Ruination of the Sun

[Adwest]

Larrazabal, Mayari | 2 Marth 1600

Inside the office of the country's president in the Presidential Palace, a group of men and women were gathered, seemingly waiting. A large oval table handcrafted with the government seal and made from Narra wood lay in the middle, with chairs hewed from the same material surrounding it. It was notable that only a handful of individuals were seated, pouring over dossiers or otherwise tinkering with their phones. Those that stood spoke among themselves in hushed tones.

The double doors leading to the office were eventually opened, and two more men joined those already there. Vidar Brams was the first, followed by a younger official clutching a folder in his right hand. The two sat, and the rest followed suit.

"Let's go over what happened in the past two days, and week as well. I trust that since our last meeting at the beginning of the campaign period that we have been able to complete that which needs to be done." began the President, his voice laced with both exhaustion and seriousness.

There were no verbal affirmations, only nods. Brams made note of this, and addressed a bald man sitting directly across from him. There was a cough before further words would be heard by the cabinet.

"Casualties arising out of the CPM-MPRA's engagements in Lijangco, Rojas, Urdaneta, and San Mateo province have mounted to four hundred, with about a thousand unfit for combat for the next two months. A hundred more are missing from action, and we assume they have been abducted and absorbed by the MPRA."

"Damn traitors!"

An infuriated outburst was heard from one official, although no attention was diverted to who it came from. Brams pursed his lips.

"Regarding Roligge, General Briand has presented to me his plan for a joint operation to retake the island and expel rebel forces. The enemy continues to make no use of our ships, assumably from a lack of sufficient manpower. We have rescued fifty three servicemen from Roligge Shoal over the weekend, fleeing or making contact with us. Most are unfit for combat due to injuries sustained during the uprising which took place there." continued the bald official, who was Mayari's Secretary of Defense.

"Thank you Esmael. Forward me a copy of this plan before afternoon tomorrow."

Esmael Gaudengco nodded, dabbing his head with a violet handkerchief. The somber tone of Brams was thick, although the president made sure he gave nothing away as to his thoughts. The results of his party's strategy toward the elections and his own approach to the rebellion were not completely unexpected, and there was nothing to fear, he still held. After all, the latter had not yet achieved its maximum implementation. There would, however, be a need to speed things up.

"And what of the elections?"

The president fixed his sight to a portly woman to his right. All eyes followed his, awaiting the report of the Chairwoman of Mayari's Commission on Elections - an appointee of Brams prior to his convening of the electoral body, exactly to serve his party's purposes if needed. And so it was, as he trailed nearly a dozen points behind his contender.

"Sir. We are set to finish canvassing by tomorrow evening, although we shall publicly announce this finish on the afternoon of the fourth, alongside release of news of the MPRA tampering with ballot boxes in several conflict areas in the east and north." said Aurelia Barros. The constitutional expert, former election lawyer, and past campaign manager of Alberto Hidalgo met the eyes of the president, steely in its resolve, as she awaited what would be next. The couple of seconds which remained unfilled by Brams' voice signaled to her that there was more that was expected of her - some things which she preferred not to disclose to the entirety of the cabinet.

"Our...staff have completed the task you provided. Will complete, rather, later tonight, at the crack of dawn."

"And what will be the margin of my victory?"

Barros lowered her head, her answer nearly but not quite a whisper. "It will be an eleven points margin, sir, give or take."

"This is credible enough. We have prepared our cover stories not merely relating to the MPRA's tampering, but also efforts against the opposition that will attempt to dispute the results. Our warrant of arrest for De Vera is also ready. We expect members of the National Party will register protests, as well as the MPDM - but we are not expecting major demonstrations. Major in the sense that there would be cause for concern, here in Larrazabal at least." came a concurring statement from a man to Barros' left. It was a longtime senator and leading officer of the Freedom Party, and the chief political liaison overseeing the elections in favor of Brams and Kalayaan.

The conversation would go on in this direction for the next quarter of an hour, as the senator discussed at length their counter propaganda against non-administration elements after the declaration of Brams election to the top office of the land. The meticulous orchestration of this election was astounding in scope to any observer, but for the Freedom Party, whose officeholders had long clung on to power as political cheats, it was not so. Whether by choice or by fate.

"Thank you, Aurelia, Jong. Now, let's proceed to what matters the most. Director Alvelde?"

A tall, slim figure who had thus far kept himself from speaking, glanced at the president. He was stolid in bearing, posture only slightly hunched, and hands clasped. He blinked, twice, then moved to speak after being addressed.

"Quentin De Jesus remains under our direct surveillance, as well as several rebel commanders and their lieutenants. This includes the commanding officers of the MPRA in Roligge, and in the eastern provinces."

Abdul Alvelde shifted his glance from one member of the cabinet to another as he spoke, failing to miss any detail. As a longtime comrade and deputy to Brams as far back as their days in the national police academy, and now the director of Mayari's National Security Agency, there was no one else but he whom Brams would trust with the penetration of the revolution scourging the nation since its inception. An experienced intelligence officer with more than two decades in service, Alvelde wielded the NSA not merely as an intelligence collector, but as a paramilitary force operating in more clandestine and similarly more violent undertakings. These included making hits on dangerous targets, scouring the jungles of the north, guarding high-profile leaders or captives, among others.

It was the NSA under his guidance that captured the feared rebel commander De Jesus and a troop of his most experienced fighters in 1597. Not after besting them in an encounter in the outskirts of enemy terrain, but after skillfully locating him and overwhelming him to such a degree that resistance was not even worth considering, right in the heart of enemy territory. The senior guerrilla, pragmatic and well-versed on the art of the selecting engagements, knew he was surrounded, and aptly yielded without firing a single bullet. He would be tortured for the collection of intelligence, although not once opened his lips.

The prized possession of the NSA was released this year, without their approval, and this undoubtedly cast concerns and even questions on the part of that agency. But Alvelde knew well the reason behind this, as Brams had informed him and had made him in charge of the succeeding phase.

"My latest report comes from yesterday. He has moved from an MPRA supply center in Quaresma to Bolo the previous evening, and it is my belief that this is to oversee the training of several reserve battalions in urban warfare. This is in preparation for their second general offensive, which will come immediately after the declaration of the election's winners, in three provinces, and employing from five to eight thousand of their fighters."

A stir came from the Secretary of Defense following this statement. "That is a very precise report, Director Alvelde. How come I have not heard of this from military intelligence?"

The interjection did not perturb the NSA Director, turning towards Gaudengco. "Because they are not aware of this. Don't worry Mr. Gaudengco, the necessary information will make its way to your department in order to be ready."

Brams instructed the ethnic Taosheg intelligence officer to continue, who did so. "I have also been made aware through a recorded conversation that the CPM's Political Bureau will be meeting in two weeks time, in Bolo as well. The subject matter of this gathering is something we have yet to discern, but I believe it will center on the military effort, as well as post-conflict establishment of political control over the country."

Murmurs erupted, and the Secretary of Defense, inquisitive but suspect, once again piped in. "How did you gather this information? And why am I not made aware of this?"

This time, Brams stepped in. "We will not entertain questions on this matter, Esmael. As a matter of national security. All that everyone here needs to know is that we have the edge over the revolutionary forces, although we have not employed it. Not yet, but it seems the time approaches."

The defense official shut up, arms folded over his chest, displeased that matters of national security appeared to be beyond his concern at this juncture.

Ever since the administration's hand was forced, to its shock, to declare an independent foreign policy in 1595 by a resurgent opposition presence in Congress, the upper hand of foreign support slowly dwindled away in paper. The sole exception was the decades-old military bases agreement with the Arch-Kingdom of Oslanburg, now the West Brigidnan Union, which guaranteed them an armed presence in the country through a naval and aerial facility in the southern coastline. Yet the West Brigidnans refused to openly support the government, what with the latter's proclamation and the former's own concerns.

Behind that and the rhetoric of autonomy from external influences, the present administration relied a great deal still on what support it had. And right now, what was most important was the access to military technology obtained from private Singanese contractors, no doubt backed themselves by several powers both within and outside the region. Foremost of these was access to satellites, which monitored the movement of the MPRA every day. To the dismay of the defense department, it was the NSA and the NSA alone which had access to this information, and with this had the choice what to pass to them for their perusal and what to withhold. The incident in Roligge Shoal could have possibly been delayed, if not thwarted, had there been greater coordination. But the reasons for this lack of cooperation were deep, but inter-agency rivalry as well as the direct orders of Brams were the most prominent.

Second to what Brams perceived as game-changing technologies was the insertion of human microchip implants on De Jesus and his captured comrades - something the red fighters knew nothing about and have no recollection whatsoever when they were released from detention. The microchip implants, again from a Singanese private contractor, were as of today unreleased models of implants previously tested and used on dogs. They provided detailed tracking of physical location, as well as the ability to record conversation, albeit in a low capacity.

"Validate the accuracy of this information, Director. The entirety of the Politburo must be captured all at once, not separately, even if it is on the same date. They will no longer elude us, and without direction, this insurgency will dissipate once and for all."

"Of course. Their capitulation will come, soon, and rapidly."