Ruination of the Sun

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Larrazabal, Mayari | 23 Dosa 1600

"Good evening Mr. De Vera. I am Pia Rañada, and I will be with you for the next hour or so."

"Call me Pepe, Pia. It is my pleasure to be here tonight."

Pepe De Vera, the standard bearer of the Mayari People's Democratic Movement and the sole contender for the presidency of Mayari, greeted the anchorwoman with a warm smile as he walked on-stage to the studio. Four days before the end of the campaign period, the relatively youthful leader accepted an invitation from one of the major broadcasting studios in the country for an interview. What was supposed to be a debate between the two presidential aspirants instead became a spotlight for the opposition candidate, following Vidar Brams' refusal to accept the invitation. Most likely as a consequence of his party's advice.

The electoral strategy of the Freedom Party was centered on the promises of reestablishing national security, maintaining that continued support for the administration meant the restoration of peace and order within the next term. Or in other words, in six years. Second to this was restoring economic security. National growth had been stunted by the internal conflict, ushering in negative GDP growth rates since at least the previous decade. This had its consequent effect in the shutting down of countless micro, small, and medium enterprises, and a surge in unemployment throughout the country. There were no mentions on the issues of political prisoners and continued human rights violations, as well as the fact that the CPM-MPRA now had de facto control of nearly half of Mayari.

This is what the MPDM hoped to capitalize upon, and what it was capitalizing upon on its own campaign. Instead of grand sorties featuring celebrity personalities, the MPDM employed its hold over the grassroots to mobilize and drum up support over the past week and half. De Vera had not toured the country as much as Brams, and had avoided an approach centered on himself as a person and as a leader, instead choosing to campaign for the MPDM itself; a people's government, which would "bring genuine national transformation in all spheres of life." This included, among others, agrarian reform, constitutional revision, de-militarization, nationalization of key industries, and a lasting settlement with the CPM-MPRA. Most politically conscious citizens of Mayari knew that that last part meant the handing of power to the revolutionary forces. An outcome that was not at all detested by a great portion of the population. This was supported by the fact that polls showed almost equal support for Brams and De Vera, with the former possessing a mere marginal lead.

Brams' refusal to debate, for the MPDM, indicated a fear of handing votes over to them.

"So, first things first. How are you tonight?"

The interview began with some casual discussion. The forty nine year-old De Vera shared how his family was, what he was up to before the elections, and how it was a privilege to be where he was now. He took an early swipe at the administration, mentioning that life was certainly better after being released from incarceration. He was, after all, one of the earliest arrested after the declaration of Martial Law in 1585, being released after a decade in 1595. Thousands more of Lovstridigs - a term from the Oslan language referring to the mass of political prisoners still languishing behind bars - remain unaccounted for, De Vera was keen to also mention.

That was the prompt for Rañada to move on and ask the real questions.

"What would a De Vera bring to Mayari as opposed to what a Brams could?" she proceeded, her glance and tone both inquisitive.

"Not a De Vera." the standard bearer was quick to quip. "But the MPDM. Our ten-point program  is not a list of false and unsubstantial promises. It is an expansive mandate crafted to address the ills of Mayari, from the bottom to the top."

"For the economy?"

"More than jobs, we will work towards a restructuring of the economy. The Ibañez Five and its clique of big businesses will either be dismantled or nationalized, especially in the transportation, energy, banking, healthcare, and education sector. All peoples of Mayari, from the city to the mountains, will have access to their basic needs. The economy will be tuned to the interests of the masses instead of private capital. Labor rights will be upheld and protected, and we will seek to craft a new social safety net that is more comprehensive in scope than what had been ushered by the National Party several decades ago."

There was a pause, before a follow-up came from the female journalist. "You mentioned nationalizing industries. Will this plan not deter foreign investment, Pepe?"

"It will. But there will be no compromise. Mayari has for long remained a country where the interests of big business, bureaucratic capitalism, and feudalism has remained. We will nationalize foreign enterprises that decide not to cooperate with us as we forge a renewed path for the country."

"Nationalizing foreign enterprises could have a negative impact not merely on our trade, but on our foreign relations. What is your opinion on that matter? Will this not isolate us from regional partners and partners outside of Ostara?"

"Mayari will always be part of the international community of nations, especially in the promotion of justice for oppressed peoples the world over. This is not a false dichotomy. It is simply a matter of prioritization, and right now it is vital to prioritize developing the economy for our people. To unleash and employ their creative energies, with what resources we have, to further the goals of national social transformation. If we draw the ire of foreign powers by way of the difficult choices we must make for the nation, then so be it."

Rañada nodded, before going on. "Moving on. The present political situation in the country is one of the main points that need to be addressed according to the MPDM, even before this snap elections. Can you provide us a picture of how you will address this as president?"

"Of course Pia." responded De Vera, taking a couple of seconds to formulate what to say.

"First of all, and as I have mentioned, there remains nearly a thousand Lovstrigids or unlawfully detained individuals in Mayari's prisons. These include children, young and elderly men and women, tagged to be 'red fighters' of the CPM-MPRA, when in reality they have merely voiced their questions on and the Hidalgo administration's policies. Their right to free speech, to assemble, and to be heard in a court of law, among others, have been violated, and these violations remain to be halted by the present administrations. What is more telling is the names of these men and women who have not been jailed, but have already been executed, their murdered bodies lost in a river or a patch of grass, sometimes dismembered, somewhere. Several members of the MPDM and its member-organizations have been victims of this bastardization of the justice system, among them comrades Luis Exequer and Antonina Olsan, attorney Li Brevik, student activists such as comrades Ellis Huerta and Gregorio Wu. We seek to end this impunity by releasing all political prisoners, punishing those responsible including the current president, correcting the justice system, and putting an end to state-sponsored violence.

Second, we will seek to restore and strengthen democracy in Mayari. This will be done in incremental but decisive steps, and this includes restoring the voice of the judiciary and holding new elections for Congress. We will revise the constitution of the nation, forging constitutional commissions that will act as additional safeguards for the legal processes of the state. But I must mention, justice will be the prime consideration and will be the key agenda of a future government."

The pair would go on with their exchange of thoughts, with the standard bearer of the opposition providing just enough details to paint an image of Mayari under a left-wing administration. Several of De Vera's answers, however, were intentionally "pacifist" in its orientation, far from the line espoused by the CPM-MPRA - of which he and most of the MPDM are members of. This was to ensure that the vote of the moderate left could be secured, or at least some part of it. The connection between the two organizations was clear as day, and it was only in this election was there an attempt by the MPDM to distance itself from the CPM-MPRA - precisely because of the order from the CPM-MPRA. The political bureau of the Communist Party of Mayari was divided whether or not to accept the offer of Brams' to forward a candidate to face him; some believed that continuing the fight was necessary, and would see their success very soon, whereas others saw the election as an opportunity to hasten and further cement that success by having someone already inside the state apparatus, and at its top no less. The "ideologically unorthodox" option won out, largely because a number of those wishing to just continue the fight saw the election as ample time to consolidate their military gains on the ground, what with the release of one of their best commanders.

After more than forty minutes and just two commercial breaks, Rañada moved on to a different line of questions. This time, those criticisms aimed at the MPDM as an organization.

"Pepe. Are you a member of the Communist Party of Mayari? Is it true that upon winning, you would hand over power to the CPM?"

The questions elicited a casual guffaw from the man before answering. "I am not. And no, I wouldn't."

The journalist probed on, sensing the withdrawn answers her interviewee gave was hiding something more. "Is not the Mayari People's Democratic Movement a component organization of the Communist Party of Mayari?"

"No it is not." De Vera quickly stated. His was now a firmer tone than earlier. "The MPDM has overlapping perspectives with the CPM, but our militancy cannot be misconstrued to be the same as the revolution being waged by the CPM. I do not deny, however, that members of the MPDM, including myself, have personal links with persons known to be part of the party. After all, many of us trace our roots in one belief, and that is the achievement of Mayari's transformation to a truly democratic republic, although our preferred methods may differ. The accusations hurled by the administration  against myself and the MPDM are illogical and hearsay. The CPM is banned from participating in national politics, and I know that they wouldn't participate right now even if they are."

"Are you not the candidate of the CPM"? Rañada pressed on.

"Again, Pia, to answer, no. This is mere propaganda."

"And how would you and the MPDM deal with the ongoing national crisis besetting the nation? The fight against the CPM and its band of armed fighters?"

A moment of thought came to De Vera. The atmosphere was hushed, with both the interviewer and the small audience filling the lit studio holding on to every word that came from the opposition's candidate.

"As far as the security situation is unfolding right now, there is no crisis to speak of. The unabated continuation of Martial Law, which the administration justifies on the basis of 'violence' by the CPM, is the only real crisis besetting Mayari."

"Pepe, can you please tell us how you would deal with the revolution? Or will you not and just let it happen?" the woman's eyes met De Vera's, who held back again before speaking. He remained unfazed however, careful in his response to an interview being watched by the nation and his and the MPDM's opponents.

"Lasting peace. That is our goal with the communists. To hear out what they have to say, to invite them to share their ideas on how Mayari can move forward. We need not continue to waste lives in fighting, when we can engage them through properly-conducted dialogue. I believe that the CPM and the people under its banner, with their determination and dedication to their countrymen, will play an important role in nation-building."

Murmurs among the audience, a part of which were optimistic at the statement. Eyebrow cocked, the woman continued the interview well into the night, wrapping up after just a little bit past an hour.

Four days before the end of the campaign period, De Vera would close the tiny gap between him and Brams in the polls. It seemed as if the winds of change were near, to the anxiety and excitement of those in power and the population at large respectively. Only a matter of time, some had already begun to whisper in the streets.