Eternity RPC Board
Ricarte, Mayari | 6 Alvan 1600
The afternoon sun peeked at the land from its perch in the sky. As it did so, a cool breeze came to pass every couple of minutes, lightening the mood of those who had to be outside on the first Friday of the year. Summer had descended upon Mayari and the rest of the southern hemisphere about a month ago, and the heatwave, as usual, did not find much welcoming from those living in the tropics. Disdain could not also be used as a word to describe the natives' attitude to the climate, as they had been enduring it for the entirety of their existence. It was a fact of life in Mayari, and so was political instability, at least for the past two decades.
The attempted impeachment attempt of Alberto Hidalgo in Ochtyr1584 was botched. In the end, the maverick Sagaysay was betrayed by her allies in the crucial vote demanding a two-thirds majority to oust a sitting president. Further blocking this attempt was an even split among the senators from the National Party. All of this was machinated by Vicente Yang, the president of the senate and the eyes, ears, and hands of Hidalgo in that chamber of the legislature. The Socialist Action Party's senators were the only ones that provided a straight vote, all in favor of the impeachment, resulting in a 14-9 vote. This was short of just two votes more in order to cement the demise of a man already despised by many. Political deadlock followed through, paralyzing the Congress over important and controversial legislation for the rest of the year.
Hidalgo's inner circle proved more venomous than their boss, especially as they bared their fangs and bit their enemies. Within Mayari's police forces, Vidar Agustin Brams - kin of Mayari's former military strongman Esteban Brams - oversaw the liquidation of more direct threats to the president. This included the kidnapping and murder of Senator Crisanto Cortes Jansen in Alvan 1585, and his exposure as agent of the Communist Party of Mayari. It was an unpublished execution that, while causing an uproar among the populace, contributed to the internal combustion of the Socialist Action Party. With the other parties in disarray and his enemies inside his own party weakened, Hidalgo seized the moment - declaring nationwide Martial Law in Treizen 1585.
Possessing neither the political acumen to foresee what was next nor the charisma to regain and let alone inspire popular support, Hidalgo would eventually fall a year later. 1586 was supposedly an election year, and with weak grounds to sustain a climate of authoritarianism, the rest of the country's remaining leaders, all hailing ironically from a party with "freedom" on its name, opted to revert the situation back to the way it was. The overarching threat of the CPM and its armed wing, the Mayari Peasant's Revolutionary Army, loomed still over the nation, but to deal with this had to see the ousting of Hidalgo and the untangling of the political process from dictatorship. The soft approach had both a historical and pragmatic basis; the shocking fighting efficiency and increased ranks of the CPM-MPRA was slowly gaining ground against an increasingly demoralized military, and a new administration needed to preserve what remained of their fighting strength to even begin negotiations. Continuing the fight was not an option, although nobody said this out in the open.
To this end, Hidalgo had been forced, at gunpoint, by his own supporters, to step down from his post. He was replaced not by another mere politician, but a member of his party who served as the Director General of the Mayari National Police. This was none other than Brams himself.
A relatively colorless individual, Brams saw himself as a soldier through and through. His lineage was not alien to the political arena, but he was well aware of the tragedy his grandfather wrought upon himself and the nation in his crusade to purge Perovism in Mayari. He ingrained a key lesson since his youth, that to fight an idea one should refrain from relying solely on force, even if its fanatics knew nothing but the language of violence. That was what propelled him to accept the offer of his comrades to head Mayari's transition not merely to normalcy, but to a final solution of the country's longstanding ills; that of revolution.
Fourteen years later, neither had been achieved with resounding success.
The ban on political parties had been lifted in 1588, with only the SAP remaining repressed due to the Cortes Jansen affair. Immediately succeeding this, fresh elections for a new National Assembly - the lower house of Congress - and for local government posts were called, with the exception of provincial governors. Appointees became the norm for those seats, in addition to Brams and his clique's monopoly on the upper house of Congress. The judiciary remained empty and the writ of habeas corpus suspended until 1591. Political detainees prior to 1586 were, however, still in state custody, and the armed forces and police retain their power to arbitrary arrest. Civic organizations remained banned until 1595. All the while as the revolution swept through large swathes of Mayari.
To help restore national stability, the administration turned to the outside. In fact, the measures it undertook to relax control were partly inspired by the hopes of gaining bilateral assistance to deal with the insurgency. Nyland, among others, proved to be a credible benefactor - providing weapons at a discount as well as military training. This was a boon for the administration's efforts, until the Freedom Party lost its commanding majority in the lower house to nationalist forces, following a general election in 1594. By 1595, Brams was forced to declare a policy of international non-alignment, rescinding all defense agreements with all countries it had them. The only significant ties it maintained were with the West Brigidnan Union, Tieguo, and neighboring Hoinom, another Ostaran state afflicted by internal strife.
The circumstances of time were perpetually shifting. But Vidar Brams had the rest of his life to see this to the end, however bitter it would be.
The elderly and bespectacled head of state clutched the handle of his ceramic mug tightly, afraid of letting go of it and smashing the china on the wooden floor. He was in the kitchen of his ancestral home, in the sleepy town of Ricarte, a couple of hours and two provinces away from Larrazabal in western Mayari. The three-story house, built during the late colonial period of the country, was a fine example of Oslan architecture manifested by way of native materials. Coconut in particular.
Its rich history gave Brams a sense of purpose, as he recalled the most significant names to have graced these near ancient halls, to have strolled through its expansive gardens in deep thought of not only the family's fortunes, but also of the nation. The first to come to mind was naturally his grandfather, the tall, blustering, and decisive Esteban, although others less prominent also made their presence felt. Another one was the independence fighter and a founding member of the National Independence Party, Patiño.
Their influence and contributions to the nation were doubtless many, but Vidar did not allow this to pressure him, to leave a legacy, or achieve something that would make him a staple in Mayari's history books. He did not long for such acclaim, but only to do what he was asked to do. He had no Messianic illusions over himself, making decisions by consensus with his advisers and subordinates. Likewise, he was possessed of no strong ideological leanings. Although a member of the Freedom Party as far back as the 1570s, he felt the remaining reins of control necessary to achieve peace and stability, a trait not many of his partymates share. Nonetheless, there has been no challenge to his leadership for more than a decade from within, a reminder that his mandate was still on track.
"Sir, your guests have arrived."
A young aide appeared on the doorway to the kitchen, his head bowed as he delivered his message.
Brams nodded, took the mug for a final swig of black coffee, then placed it back on the counter beside an ornamental sugar jug. With the same hand, he took his cane and took steady steps to the foyer of the old mansion. Upon arriving, his eyes darted to two starkly contrasting figures he already knew by name.
The first was a balding, middle-aged man, perhaps two decades the junior of Brams. He was garbed in a plain green long-sleeve and trousers that were a bit worse for wear. He seemed unassuming, a characteristic the president could work with, despite the fact that he wore an armband with a design that could only belong to the CPM-MPRA.
The second person was a lass, who stood just beside the first one and who also wore a similar armband. Brams estimated her to be a fresh graduate from university, or a few years from that. She had sharp eyes and seemed to the president a person of aggression. She wore a black jacket over a violently scarlet-hued tank top and denim jeans.
"Welcome to Ricarte, and to my home" began Brams, summoning a barely visible smile, as he offered a hand first to the man and the young woman. The former spoke in response.
"Thank you, Mr. Brams. I am Ulesis Tennfjord, Secretary General of the Mayari Trade Union Federation." said he. The man made to introduce his companion, although she spoke first, all the while denying the hand of the president.
"Penelope Cortes Jansen, daughter of the late great senator of the same name. President of the National Union of Students of Mayari."
The young woman's eyes defiantly met that of Brams. He was well-aware of this girl's antics and endeavors. She was but a simple student finishing her degree in Biology at a state university in the provinces, uninvolved in politics due to her father's own advice. After Crisanto's enforced disappearance in Brams hands more than a decade ago, his daughter and sons took it upon themselves to join the deceased revolutionary's cause. As fate would have it, she stood there now at the head of the youth sector of Mayari.
The Mayari Trade Union Federation and the National Union of Students of Mayari were member-organizations of the recently "unbanned" Mayari People's Democratic Movement, itself the de facto negotiating wing of the Communist Party of Mayari. Today's meeting was of the informal sort, but whose subject matter was something that Brams hoped would be the first stepping stone to ending this insurgency and making the rest of their people lay down their arms. The president knew these two people were the closest to actual delegates the CPM would send to him, refusing to engage in direct talks as they perceived they had the upper hand in the conflict. From a tactical perspective, this was not very far from the truth, and there was an urgency for the administration to strike an agreement with the CPM before the scales could tip even more.
Following this brief exchange, the three proceeded and sat in the mansion's guest hall, where a fine portrait of Esteban Brams hung at one end of the walls. Both guests saw this, although refused to pay it attention. The young woman merely sighed as they took their seats.
"Why did you call us here today? And only us, and only you?"
The question immediately flew off the mouth of the lass, stern. Tennfjord made no effort to stop her, glancing only in her direction before refocusing his attention to Brams. It was a legitimate question after all.
The president looked at her, as if studying her demeanor, and spoke. "I have an offer that I know can get to the leadership of the Communist Party of Mayari. For the benefit of everyone."
Cortes Jansen was quick to interject. "Anything you wish to offer or say will only be heard by the MPDM if you free our comrades from prison, as a preliminary gesture of goodwill, and then to step down to a new, elected government of national unity headed by the MPDM."
Those last words were a catchphrase that revolutionaries under cover always used, as its real meaning was a government under the CPM, a single-party "proletarian" state. Brams had not spent years in the police without picking this up. Surrender was not an option. As for the "political prisoners" she mentioned, those were all red fighters of the MPRA. Veteran fighters, numbering close to a hundred. The president knew Cortes Jansen would only shut him down, so he continued with what he and his cohorts had devised.
"My administration will be conducting presidential elections before the end of this year. I will seek election under the banner of Kalayaan, and we will permit one candidate for each major political party, including the SAP. I also invite the MPDM to field their own candidate separate from the SAP. Whoever wins shall possess the popular mandate and shall be free to do as they wish with the nation's future. This is something I will emphasize before the beginning of this election."
The two leaders offered no immediate response to this proposition. All of them in that hall knew full well the CPM had no faces it could put forth in any popularity contest, as its leaders operated in thick secrecy. The men and women of the MPDM were more visible, and made great orators and agitators, but would fall short of the bourgeois vote needed to secure electoral success. Their final hope was in the SAP, which nonetheless had a number of figures in exile that could be propelled to seriously challenge the Freedom Party in a presidential election to be held after more than twenty years since the last. But the CPM's politburo would be loathe to back the mainstream left, with its own separate agenda.
"And what guarantee do we have that you will honor this concession, Mr. Brams?" inquired Tennfjord.
Three seconds passed, the president thinking. "Aside from lifting the ban on the SAP, I will also see to the release of some of your comrades, including the known rebel commander Quentin De Jesus...or otherwise known as Ka Jesus, as a gesture of goodwill."
"This is unnecessary. There is nothing we can do about this, and I believe this meeting is finished."
Penelope Cortes Jansen spoke loudly, before standing up and making her way from where they entered. Agreeing in silence, the representative of the trade union federation followed, but not before giving a nod to the president. The elderly Brams also stood up, expressionless, and slowly made his way back to the foyer.
"I will hear what the rest have to say. The release of comrade Jesus will be a great relief, Penelope." whispered Tennfjord to Cortes Jansen as they descended the steps leading to the mansion's entrance.
As soon as they got outside, they saw their driver, who had been standing by the hatchback they used to get here,with a look of fear on his visage. Five men in military fatigues surrounded him, automatic rifles gleaming under the sun.
"What is the meaning of this?" angrily yelled the young woman, as she walked up to confront them all. No words came from any of the soldiers. until a voice rang out from behind them.
"It seems that you have no choice on the matter."
Brams appeared at the top of the stairs, cane in both hands holding him steady. His expression remained the same, although his gaze was now cast on the woodlands just slightly beyond his ancestral house. A convoy of military jeepneys and a single covered truck approached the gateway, arriving in half a minute. The convoy dropped off two platoons of army men, similar in appearance to those that were already there. The truck tailing them dropped off eight men as well, although bound by the hands, wearing what seemed to be guerilla camouflage. They were thrown to the ground beside the hatchback.
"You have been careless, Ulesis Tennfjord. Or is that even your real name?" spoke Brams, addressing the trade union representative.
"When I sent an invitation to the MPDM, I did not expect such a high-ranking official of the party itself to visit me, let alone one of the members of the elusive politburo. But this is best. I trust you will be able to make a decision with your party mates on this matter that benefits us all....and will see you and your companion alive for another day. My promise will be fulfilled, just as long as you cooperate."
Before the sunset, the two officials of the CPM and their armed guard were escorted out of the province, with Brams message delivered to the party's top organ. Now, he need only wait.
The afternoon sun peeked at the land from its perch in the sky. As it did so, a cool breeze came to pass every couple of minutes, lightening the mood of those who had to be outside on the first Friday of the year. Summer had descended upon Mayari and the rest of the southern hemisphere about a month ago, and the heatwave, as usual, did not find much welcoming from those living in the tropics. Disdain could not also be used as a word to describe the natives' attitude to the climate, as they had been enduring it for the entirety of their existence. It was a fact of life in Mayari, and so was political instability, at least for the past two decades.
The attempted impeachment attempt of Alberto Hidalgo in Ochtyr1584 was botched. In the end, the maverick Sagaysay was betrayed by her allies in the crucial vote demanding a two-thirds majority to oust a sitting president. Further blocking this attempt was an even split among the senators from the National Party. All of this was machinated by Vicente Yang, the president of the senate and the eyes, ears, and hands of Hidalgo in that chamber of the legislature. The Socialist Action Party's senators were the only ones that provided a straight vote, all in favor of the impeachment, resulting in a 14-9 vote. This was short of just two votes more in order to cement the demise of a man already despised by many. Political deadlock followed through, paralyzing the Congress over important and controversial legislation for the rest of the year.
Hidalgo's inner circle proved more venomous than their boss, especially as they bared their fangs and bit their enemies. Within Mayari's police forces, Vidar Agustin Brams - kin of Mayari's former military strongman Esteban Brams - oversaw the liquidation of more direct threats to the president. This included the kidnapping and murder of Senator Crisanto Cortes Jansen in Alvan 1585, and his exposure as agent of the Communist Party of Mayari. It was an unpublished execution that, while causing an uproar among the populace, contributed to the internal combustion of the Socialist Action Party. With the other parties in disarray and his enemies inside his own party weakened, Hidalgo seized the moment - declaring nationwide Martial Law in Treizen 1585.
Possessing neither the political acumen to foresee what was next nor the charisma to regain and let alone inspire popular support, Hidalgo would eventually fall a year later. 1586 was supposedly an election year, and with weak grounds to sustain a climate of authoritarianism, the rest of the country's remaining leaders, all hailing ironically from a party with "freedom" on its name, opted to revert the situation back to the way it was. The overarching threat of the CPM and its armed wing, the Mayari Peasant's Revolutionary Army, loomed still over the nation, but to deal with this had to see the ousting of Hidalgo and the untangling of the political process from dictatorship. The soft approach had both a historical and pragmatic basis; the shocking fighting efficiency and increased ranks of the CPM-MPRA was slowly gaining ground against an increasingly demoralized military, and a new administration needed to preserve what remained of their fighting strength to even begin negotiations. Continuing the fight was not an option, although nobody said this out in the open.
To this end, Hidalgo had been forced, at gunpoint, by his own supporters, to step down from his post. He was replaced not by another mere politician, but a member of his party who served as the Director General of the Mayari National Police. This was none other than Brams himself.
A relatively colorless individual, Brams saw himself as a soldier through and through. His lineage was not alien to the political arena, but he was well aware of the tragedy his grandfather wrought upon himself and the nation in his crusade to purge Perovism in Mayari. He ingrained a key lesson since his youth, that to fight an idea one should refrain from relying solely on force, even if its fanatics knew nothing but the language of violence. That was what propelled him to accept the offer of his comrades to head Mayari's transition not merely to normalcy, but to a final solution of the country's longstanding ills; that of revolution.
Fourteen years later, neither had been achieved with resounding success.
The ban on political parties had been lifted in 1588, with only the SAP remaining repressed due to the Cortes Jansen affair. Immediately succeeding this, fresh elections for a new National Assembly - the lower house of Congress - and for local government posts were called, with the exception of provincial governors. Appointees became the norm for those seats, in addition to Brams and his clique's monopoly on the upper house of Congress. The judiciary remained empty and the writ of habeas corpus suspended until 1591. Political detainees prior to 1586 were, however, still in state custody, and the armed forces and police retain their power to arbitrary arrest. Civic organizations remained banned until 1595. All the while as the revolution swept through large swathes of Mayari.
To help restore national stability, the administration turned to the outside. In fact, the measures it undertook to relax control were partly inspired by the hopes of gaining bilateral assistance to deal with the insurgency. Nyland, among others, proved to be a credible benefactor - providing weapons at a discount as well as military training. This was a boon for the administration's efforts, until the Freedom Party lost its commanding majority in the lower house to nationalist forces, following a general election in 1594. By 1595, Brams was forced to declare a policy of international non-alignment, rescinding all defense agreements with all countries it had them. The only significant ties it maintained were with the West Brigidnan Union, Tieguo, and neighboring Hoinom, another Ostaran state afflicted by internal strife.
The circumstances of time were perpetually shifting. But Vidar Brams had the rest of his life to see this to the end, however bitter it would be.
The elderly and bespectacled head of state clutched the handle of his ceramic mug tightly, afraid of letting go of it and smashing the china on the wooden floor. He was in the kitchen of his ancestral home, in the sleepy town of Ricarte, a couple of hours and two provinces away from Larrazabal in western Mayari. The three-story house, built during the late colonial period of the country, was a fine example of Oslan architecture manifested by way of native materials. Coconut in particular.
Its rich history gave Brams a sense of purpose, as he recalled the most significant names to have graced these near ancient halls, to have strolled through its expansive gardens in deep thought of not only the family's fortunes, but also of the nation. The first to come to mind was naturally his grandfather, the tall, blustering, and decisive Esteban, although others less prominent also made their presence felt. Another one was the independence fighter and a founding member of the National Independence Party, Patiño.
Their influence and contributions to the nation were doubtless many, but Vidar did not allow this to pressure him, to leave a legacy, or achieve something that would make him a staple in Mayari's history books. He did not long for such acclaim, but only to do what he was asked to do. He had no Messianic illusions over himself, making decisions by consensus with his advisers and subordinates. Likewise, he was possessed of no strong ideological leanings. Although a member of the Freedom Party as far back as the 1570s, he felt the remaining reins of control necessary to achieve peace and stability, a trait not many of his partymates share. Nonetheless, there has been no challenge to his leadership for more than a decade from within, a reminder that his mandate was still on track.
"Sir, your guests have arrived."
A young aide appeared on the doorway to the kitchen, his head bowed as he delivered his message.
Brams nodded, took the mug for a final swig of black coffee, then placed it back on the counter beside an ornamental sugar jug. With the same hand, he took his cane and took steady steps to the foyer of the old mansion. Upon arriving, his eyes darted to two starkly contrasting figures he already knew by name.
The first was a balding, middle-aged man, perhaps two decades the junior of Brams. He was garbed in a plain green long-sleeve and trousers that were a bit worse for wear. He seemed unassuming, a characteristic the president could work with, despite the fact that he wore an armband with a design that could only belong to the CPM-MPRA.
The second person was a lass, who stood just beside the first one and who also wore a similar armband. Brams estimated her to be a fresh graduate from university, or a few years from that. She had sharp eyes and seemed to the president a person of aggression. She wore a black jacket over a violently scarlet-hued tank top and denim jeans.
"Welcome to Ricarte, and to my home" began Brams, summoning a barely visible smile, as he offered a hand first to the man and the young woman. The former spoke in response.
"Thank you, Mr. Brams. I am Ulesis Tennfjord, Secretary General of the Mayari Trade Union Federation." said he. The man made to introduce his companion, although she spoke first, all the while denying the hand of the president.
"Penelope Cortes Jansen, daughter of the late great senator of the same name. President of the National Union of Students of Mayari."
The young woman's eyes defiantly met that of Brams. He was well-aware of this girl's antics and endeavors. She was but a simple student finishing her degree in Biology at a state university in the provinces, uninvolved in politics due to her father's own advice. After Crisanto's enforced disappearance in Brams hands more than a decade ago, his daughter and sons took it upon themselves to join the deceased revolutionary's cause. As fate would have it, she stood there now at the head of the youth sector of Mayari.
The Mayari Trade Union Federation and the National Union of Students of Mayari were member-organizations of the recently "unbanned" Mayari People's Democratic Movement, itself the de facto negotiating wing of the Communist Party of Mayari. Today's meeting was of the informal sort, but whose subject matter was something that Brams hoped would be the first stepping stone to ending this insurgency and making the rest of their people lay down their arms. The president knew these two people were the closest to actual delegates the CPM would send to him, refusing to engage in direct talks as they perceived they had the upper hand in the conflict. From a tactical perspective, this was not very far from the truth, and there was an urgency for the administration to strike an agreement with the CPM before the scales could tip even more.
Following this brief exchange, the three proceeded and sat in the mansion's guest hall, where a fine portrait of Esteban Brams hung at one end of the walls. Both guests saw this, although refused to pay it attention. The young woman merely sighed as they took their seats.
"Why did you call us here today? And only us, and only you?"
The question immediately flew off the mouth of the lass, stern. Tennfjord made no effort to stop her, glancing only in her direction before refocusing his attention to Brams. It was a legitimate question after all.
The president looked at her, as if studying her demeanor, and spoke. "I have an offer that I know can get to the leadership of the Communist Party of Mayari. For the benefit of everyone."
Cortes Jansen was quick to interject. "Anything you wish to offer or say will only be heard by the MPDM if you free our comrades from prison, as a preliminary gesture of goodwill, and then to step down to a new, elected government of national unity headed by the MPDM."
Those last words were a catchphrase that revolutionaries under cover always used, as its real meaning was a government under the CPM, a single-party "proletarian" state. Brams had not spent years in the police without picking this up. Surrender was not an option. As for the "political prisoners" she mentioned, those were all red fighters of the MPRA. Veteran fighters, numbering close to a hundred. The president knew Cortes Jansen would only shut him down, so he continued with what he and his cohorts had devised.
"My administration will be conducting presidential elections before the end of this year. I will seek election under the banner of Kalayaan, and we will permit one candidate for each major political party, including the SAP. I also invite the MPDM to field their own candidate separate from the SAP. Whoever wins shall possess the popular mandate and shall be free to do as they wish with the nation's future. This is something I will emphasize before the beginning of this election."
The two leaders offered no immediate response to this proposition. All of them in that hall knew full well the CPM had no faces it could put forth in any popularity contest, as its leaders operated in thick secrecy. The men and women of the MPDM were more visible, and made great orators and agitators, but would fall short of the bourgeois vote needed to secure electoral success. Their final hope was in the SAP, which nonetheless had a number of figures in exile that could be propelled to seriously challenge the Freedom Party in a presidential election to be held after more than twenty years since the last. But the CPM's politburo would be loathe to back the mainstream left, with its own separate agenda.
"And what guarantee do we have that you will honor this concession, Mr. Brams?" inquired Tennfjord.
Three seconds passed, the president thinking. "Aside from lifting the ban on the SAP, I will also see to the release of some of your comrades, including the known rebel commander Quentin De Jesus...or otherwise known as Ka Jesus, as a gesture of goodwill."
"This is unnecessary. There is nothing we can do about this, and I believe this meeting is finished."
Penelope Cortes Jansen spoke loudly, before standing up and making her way from where they entered. Agreeing in silence, the representative of the trade union federation followed, but not before giving a nod to the president. The elderly Brams also stood up, expressionless, and slowly made his way back to the foyer.
"I will hear what the rest have to say. The release of comrade Jesus will be a great relief, Penelope." whispered Tennfjord to Cortes Jansen as they descended the steps leading to the mansion's entrance.
As soon as they got outside, they saw their driver, who had been standing by the hatchback they used to get here,with a look of fear on his visage. Five men in military fatigues surrounded him, automatic rifles gleaming under the sun.
"What is the meaning of this?" angrily yelled the young woman, as she walked up to confront them all. No words came from any of the soldiers. until a voice rang out from behind them.
"It seems that you have no choice on the matter."
Brams appeared at the top of the stairs, cane in both hands holding him steady. His expression remained the same, although his gaze was now cast on the woodlands just slightly beyond his ancestral house. A convoy of military jeepneys and a single covered truck approached the gateway, arriving in half a minute. The convoy dropped off two platoons of army men, similar in appearance to those that were already there. The truck tailing them dropped off eight men as well, although bound by the hands, wearing what seemed to be guerilla camouflage. They were thrown to the ground beside the hatchback.
"You have been careless, Ulesis Tennfjord. Or is that even your real name?" spoke Brams, addressing the trade union representative.
"When I sent an invitation to the MPDM, I did not expect such a high-ranking official of the party itself to visit me, let alone one of the members of the elusive politburo. But this is best. I trust you will be able to make a decision with your party mates on this matter that benefits us all....and will see you and your companion alive for another day. My promise will be fulfilled, just as long as you cooperate."
Before the sunset, the two officials of the CPM and their armed guard were escorted out of the province, with Brams message delivered to the party's top organ. Now, he need only wait.
|| Democratic Republic of Mayari ||
There is no solution to the peasant problem but to wage armed struggle, conduct agrarian
revolution and build revolutionary base areas
There is no solution to the peasant problem but to wage armed struggle, conduct agrarian
revolution and build revolutionary base areas