Blood on the Sand

[Hadash]

Ayduramazan, Democratic Republic of Kyrzbekistan | Treizen, 1594


Ilsat was leaving the building of the Supreme Committee for State Security when he saw a woman and man talking. Her face seemed familiar, but he wasn't entirely sure.

"Excuse me one minute", the woman said before approaching Ilsat.

"Nice uniform", she said. "How are you doing?". Ilsat realized she was the same woman he met twelve years ago in Cair Para.

"I am fine, thank you", Ilsat replied. "And you? I joined the Kyrzbekistani Guard five years ago".

"I realized", she answered with a smile. "I can't complain either. There isn't much to tell. I just came back after four years in Rojadavistan".

"Maybe we meet again in other circumstances", she continued. "Who knows".

Ilsat left, without looking back, although his mind was precisely doing that while he was walking.

[Hadash]

Ishanbal, Khanid | Vintyr, 1598


"We have been informed that [Ysmail] Zayadin has been arrested in Wadiyah", Dogan told to Okan Saat. "His situation is unclear right now. Nobody has seen him for seven days, and it is unclear where he could be held right now".

Okan Saat nodded, although many things came through on his mind.

He didn't know Zayadin very well, despite they had met more than ten times in the last decade. Saat felt that Zayadin was an "old school" militant, someone that was both efficient and commited to the cause, but which personality and attitude were not exactly the best for needs of today. Unsurprisingly, Zayadin had started his rise in the organization during Ilsat Amerhanur's leadership, which felt like another era for younger militants. Still, Ysmail Zayadin had remained one of the most influential members of the Akhadic Society in Wadiyah for at least two decades, in both times of war and peace.

Okan Saat, on the other hand, belonged to a younger generation. Before being appointed to the Akhadic Council in 1579, he had prominent positions in the Ministry of Education in Khanid. In 1589, he was appointed deputy chairman of the Akhadic Society, becoming Kamran Akçam's right-hand. In 1595, when Akçam announced his resignation, Saat was predictably appointed Chairman of the Akhadic Society, the second Khanidian to hold such position and the first one since 1559.

During Kamran Akçam's leadership, from 1569 to 1595, the organization had modernized its structure and bureaucracy. Akçam had been respected, and even venerated, by the members of the organization, but still his popularity in the ranks of organizations and his efforts to the cause, the weakness of the Akhadic Society had remained a too big obstacle.

Founded in 1529, being the oldest Akhadist political organization, despite its influence and large membership, the Akhadic Society had failed to gain power in any Near East country. Only in the short-lived Akhadic Republic of Kyrzbekistan, in which server prominent Akhadic Society members served as ministers and other political offices, and during the election of Elbrus Almasur as Governor in the Kyrzbekistan's eastern region of Yartushia, the Akhadic Society had only touched political power in local elections. Rojadavistani independence gave hopes to the Akhadic Society, but they were defeated by a rival Akhadist party, losing the presidency twice to Serefxane Canê. Canê's increasing influence in the Near East weakened Akhadic Society in Kyrzbekistan and Wadiyah, while the Akhadic Society was also pushed by more radical Akhadist organizations in other countries.

Okan Saat felt the need of a change of direction, but he found himself dealing soon with internal problems after the death of Yasher Suleyman, the spiritual leader of the Akhadic Society since 1559. Saat realized that the election of a Khanidian chairman was likely to mean a more complicated relation with Khanid government, which Akçam had tried hard to amend in the last two decades. However, there were still some hopes in the horizon, including the death of Bash'am al-Laham in Ga'bath only two months ago.

[Hadash]

Ayduramazan, Democratic Republic of Kyrzbekistan | Septem, 1600


"General Nysha Zophakuz has arrived", Zagip told Damir Kazbekur, third president of the Democratic Republic of Kyrzbekistan.

"Enter...you can sit down", Damir Kazbekur said.

"It's not necessary", Nysha said. "I guess I won't be a long conversation".

"As you wish", Damir Kazbekur replied. "Have you further news from Ilib?".

"Yes...", Nysha answered, while for first time realizing that Salih Ilshatur was in the room as well. "Greatings...", then she looked back at Damir. "Yes, everything things in control right now. We have closed the city, and no trains or buses have left for ours. Nobody will leave without our knowledge".

"Excellent", Damir Kazbekur said, while losing himself in his own thoughts.

"Our men have arrested to likely accomplishes, or at least witness", Salih said. "This will be over soon".

"No, this is only be the beginning", Damir Kazbekur replied.

Salih wasn't sure what to reply.

"Have you any news from Gubaidulshan's...?", Nysha asked.

"They called just twenty minutes ago", Damir replied. "Radak remains stable but very serious. A team from Qëndëre has arrived, but it's unclear what they could do, at least for now".

"Transport is ready as soon as it needed", Nysha said.

"Yes, I will keep you informed", Damir Kazbekur. "I'm not in mood, but I must receive the People's Council for second time in a day".

"I understand, sir", Nysha said.

"Yasher has just arrived to Ilib", Salih said. "We may have news soon".

[Hadash]

Ayduramazan, Democratic Republic of Kyrzbekistan | Elva, 1600


Since the election of Toktamish Narimanur as Chairman of the People's Council in 1597, a permanent but not always clear relation between his government and President Damir Kazbekur had developed. Narimanur formed a coalition government which included the Kyrzbek Democrats -the party that the had founded- and the Arberian Democratic Social Forum, along with several independent ministers. The new government -the first government without a Socialist People's Party minister since the establishment of the Democratic Republic of Kyrzbekistan- lacked a majority in the Lower House in the parliament, and had often to rely in the Akhadist parties to survive and pass many laws, as it faced a strong opposition of the Socialist People's Party, with was still the largest political party in the Lower House, had a majority in the Upper House, besides controlloing the presidency as well.

Narimanur, who was formerly a political ally of the Socialist People's Party as two-term governor of Tembyak, did not aim toward an overhaul of Kyrzbekistan's political system at first, and his government focused on introducing administrative and education reforms, a more pro-business economic policy which included lowering corporate taxation and a liberalization of the economy, and strengthening decentralization. Sometimes, Toktamish Narimarur's introduced some symbolic measures, such as being unofficially named "head of government" instead of the official Chairman of the People's Council, or that members of the cabinet called themselves "ministers" instead the official "commissar".

Toktamish Narimanur's government was becoming increasingly ineffective, with the lowest number of laws passed by parliament, as consequence of their lack of a majority in the Lower House, the suspensive vetoes by the president, and the blocking of many of the legislation passed by the Upper House, where the Socialist People's Party was able to retain a decreasing majority. On foreign policy, Toktamish Narimanur mostly offered a continuation of previous governments, with giving greenlight to the final entrance of Rojadavistan to the NETO as main policy change. Still, political cohabitation between Toktamish Narimanur and President Damir Kazbekur was increasingly complicated, as the latter was still able to control important security offices as Commander-in-chief, such as the armed forces themselves, the Kyrzbekistani Guard -the elite presidential corps-, the KyrzMaKBaK -main intelligence agency-, the Supreme Committe for State Security -an advisory federal council on security-, as well as blocking the appointment of any ambassador who could be considered too politically close to Toktamish Narimanur's government. President Damir Kazbekur remained a reserved attitude in public, but the federal government only was able to force his hand on such issues in rare ocassions, such as when Nysha Zophakuz was replaced by General Tugur Almasur as Chief of the General Staff in late 1598.

Toktamish Narimanur, to the disappointment of his own political allies and supported, was ready to abandon any promise of constitutional reform before the 1601 federal election, as it would be futile to try without the support of the Socialist People's Party, which was able to block any reform with their large number of MPs in the Lower House and their majority in the Upper House. However, this did not help to reduce the tensions between his government and the opposition Socialist People's Party, while the political situation was becoming increasingly tense with a slowing economy as consequence of a decrease of gas prices, strikes and protests against government's reforms on labour legislation and agrarian policy, and a slighly increase in terror attacks by both Akhadist and nationalist groups.

The situation only became worse after Septem 1600, after a terror attack wounded Radak Sygur -one of the founders of the Kyrzbekistani Revolutionary Armed Forces, and Chief of the General Staff from 1569 to 1591, since then chairman of the Supreme Commitee for State Security-, and left him in a coma state since then. The political conflict between the government and the president had resulted in criticism for flaws on law enforcement and intelligence, but this criticism was now directed agains Toktamish Narimanur's government. Political tension and violence only increased in the following months. A rare Akhadist militant group claimed a terror attack in a market in a town nearby Lebrazdh, which killed ten citizens, two former Socialist People's Party MPs had been murdered as well as an Arberian Democratic Social Forum mayor in an unclaimed attack. On Nueva 28, it was reported that the residence of Mimoza Mirditë, parliamentary speaker of the Democratic Social Forum, was attacked by an incendiary bomb after midnight while she was on visit to Lebrazhd. Protests against both the government and the Socialist People's Party regional governments turned violent and riot police struggled to reestablish the order.

Toktamish Narimanur's government started to lose support, as political rhetoric between the government coalition and the opposition Socialist People's Party became increasingly heated in the following months. While the Socialist People's Party would remain as the largest political party in the parliament, most polls predicted that it would fail to win a large enough majority again, while Toktamish Narimanur's politcal party was threatened to lost a third of their seats in the parliament and Akhadist political parties would more than double their seats. Only Toktamish Narimanur's Arberian-minority political allies, the Democratic Social Forum, remained with a stable political support. On mid-Dein, the Akhadist parties announced that they would set to motion an impeachment process against President Damir Kazbekur, which while unlikely to prosper, threatened to force the government coalition to take a position, while only increased the political tension in the country.

---

On the evening of Elvan 18, General Tuguz Almasur met with President Damir Kazbekur. Although it was an ordinary and planned meeting, there had been rumours in the last two months that Tuguz Almasur may resign as Chief of the General Staff. Although the general was a veteran of the Kyrzbek revolution, fighting in the ranks of the Kyrzbek Revolutionary Army, there had been rumours about a complicated relation between both in recent years.

The next day, Tuguz Almasur met with the Chairman of the People's Council, Toktamish Narimanur. Tuguz handed Toktamish a memorandum, warning the government that if an unity government was not formed in order end "anarchy, unrest and fraticidal strife in the country", the armed forces would be "forced to exercise its constitutional duty" and bring order to the country. Toktamish Narimanur immediately called an urgent meeting of the People's Council, that lasted more than four hours. It was not until late that evening that Toktamish Narimanur announced his resignation as Chairman of the People's Council, after he was confirmed that the Kyrzbekistani Guard leadership was given their support to the memorandum, and General Nysha Zophakuz, who headed the first military district, including Ayduramazan, that her forces will not intervene in defense of the government.

Blerina Kodheli, General Secretary of the Democratic Social Forum and Governor of the state of Kombash-Kemlyukyak dennounced any military meddling in politics, and called President Damir Kazbekur to defend democracy by immediately calling a snap election. The Akhadist political parties called for protests and demanded the resignation of the president. The Socialist People's Party, on the other hand, took a more conciliatory position, and called for negotiations to solve what they described as the "most important constitutional crisis since the 1574 rebellion".

President Damir Kazbekur did not address the nation until the following day, announcing a round table between the main political parties to find a political solution to the current crisis. However, both the Democratic Social Forum and the Akhadist political parties, which condemned the recent events as a coup d'etat, rejected to join the talks. Ilshat Kulmiyur, a law professor in the Federal University of Qendere, was proposed as Chairman of the People's Council, as he would received a simple majority in the Lower House, with the Socialist People's Party, along with a faction from Toktamish Narimanur's party, voting for the new government.

Ilshat Kulmiyur, although he had served several administrative and advising positions in state and federal governments from 1578 to 1584, was not officially a member of the Socialist People's Party. His government was considered a technocratic government, with a large number of independent ministers, although several of them have served in advisory roles for the federal government as Ilshat Kulmiyur himself did, or worked for state-owned companies. The only member of the government with a previous political experience was Ruslan Elkhanur, who had served as Commissar for Justice from 1584 to 1590.

On Elva 25, the Constitutional Council established through a 7-4 vote that the transition of power had not violated the constitution.

[Hadash]

Ayduramazan, Democratic Republic of Kyrzbekistan | Septem, 1601

The 1601 parliamentary election came only months after Toktamish Narimanur was forced to resign by the Armed Forces, and with increasing rumours than President Damir Kazbekur may resign. General Tuguz Almasur, Chief of the General Staff since 1598, was said to be increasing his influence, as military officials close to him were appointed to important national security positions. He was said to be in contact with both the president and the govenment, and the creation of the Commission for Constitutional Reform, formed by both members of the parliament and legal experts appointed by the executive, was aimed to ease the passing of constitutional reforms promoted by the new federal government. As several opposition political parties decided to boycott the 1600 election to the Upper House, a controversial electoral reform was passed without much opposition.

However, the new government did not imply a radical shift in policy compared to the previous government. The political battle rather started in the legal field, as a large investigation was started regarding alleged links between terror cells and the main Akhadist parties. Dozens of members from the two largest Akhadist parties were arrested, including several regional deputies and former MPs, which they labelled as "political persecution" by Ilshat Kulmiyur's government.

The Socialist People's Party, which had been Kyrzbekistan's ruling political party since 1568, found itself at the same time in a complicated situation. For the first time without a member in the federal government, and increasingly divided, they had an uneasy relation with Ilshat Kulmiyur's government, which had to rely in them to pass any legislation. The creation of the National Republican Party, which several ministers and former Socialist People's Party members joined, was said to be covertly funded by the Armed Forces, although the government denied such claim.

The 1601 legislative election had the lowest turnout since the proclamation of the Democratic Republic of Kyrzbekistan. The Socialist People's Party was, once gain, the largest political party in the Congress of People's Deputies (Kyrzbekistan's Lower House) with 153 of 399 MPs, although with the lowest share of the vote ever, with barely 29% of the vote. The Kyrzbek National Party, the main Akhadist political party, was second with 18% of the vote, only losing seven MPs compared to 1597, despite a complicated electoral campaign, and rumours that the party may be banned by the government. The recently founded National People's Party was third with 15% although only 51 MPs, as the political party performed poorly in the recently created uninominal electoral districts.

The other main Akhadist political party, the Akhadic National Renaissance was fourth, while the "Democratic Party / Democracy for Kyrzbekistan" coalition, led by the Democratic Social Forum, an Arberian minority political party, and former members of Toktamish Narimanur's Kyrzbek Democrats, only obtained 10% of the vote and 23 MPs, a considerably loss from the 26% that they had obtained in 1597. The Solidarity Coalition, another Arberian minority which was accused to be founded by pro-government sources, and the Party of Social Justice, a left-wing Akhadist political party, among a small number of independent candidates, completed the parliament.

Negotiations started to form a new government, with Irek Timerur, candidate of the Socialist People's Party, expected to become Chairman of the People's Council, with the support of the National Republican Party, as other possible coalition government seemed unlikely.

[Hadash]

Laham, Ga'bathi Akhadi Republic | Ochtyr, 1601

Since the death of President Basham al-Laham in 1598, a political impasse had frozen the Near East nation for three years. Yunus Bozarslan, former Premier and Minister of Defense, was appointed president. Despite hopes of change, the political situation had not changed much. Azad Karga, a former Minister of Finance in the 1580s, was appointed Premier in 1600, and although he introduced some administrative reforms, his liberalization reforms were timid at best. The regime was suddenly shook by a wave of protests, mostly caused by the worsening economic situation and unpopular reforms aimed to balance the budget, although they were chaotic and contradictory, and did not pose a serious threat at the regime. Yunus Bozarslan's government, did not hesitate to use state repression to persecute the main leaders and activists of the protests, as they would have done in the past.

President Yunus Bozarslan had forced Altan Badem to resign as General Secretary of the Homeland Party. Badem was replaced by Abdülkadir Bal-Badik, who despite being a close associate to Basham al-Laham, proved loyal to Yunus Bozarslan's administration. However, Azad Karga's government started to undone some uncontroversial reforms established by Basham al-Laham's regime in the last decade -specially on religious and civil issues-, which increased dissent in both the state and the administration. Abdülkadir Bal-Badik suddenly died in late 1600. He was replaced by Homeland Party's Deputy General Secretary, Selahattin Orhan Tawfiq, who happened to be a distant relative of Basham al-Laham. Following recent reforms, however, the importance of the Homeland Party was considerably reduced, with several ministers without political background, and Tawfiq himself did not openly show any conflict with the government.

The 21th Political Conference of the Homeland Party, held in Laham, was expected to confirm a change of policy rumoured for weeks, the replacement of Azad Karga as Premier by Salih Kücük, former Minister of Foreign Affairs. However, when Selahattin Tawfiq took the podium he started a long speech in which he mentioned a list of failures and wrong policies by the two last Chief Ministers. To the surprise to everyone, he denounced several military and political officials, including Yunus Bozarslan himself, whom Tawfiq accused of undoing the legacy of the 1554 revolution and betraying the "revolutionary conquests" established and consolidated by Basham al-Laham. His speech was followed by silence, which was only interrupted by a chaotic applause by some party representatives, but much of the room kept silent.

Despite rumours that the political conference could be suddenly suspended, it continued as expected. A majority of the Homeland Party representatives -which was mostly formed by local representatives and regional officials- voted approvingly for Selahattin Tawfiq's declaration, including a proposal which called to the resignation of Yunus Bozarslan as President of the Republic to be replaced by a new "Revolutionary Government" led by Selahattin Tawfiq himself. To many, this resembled the way that Basham al-Laham had ascended to power, which probably Selahattin was trying to emulate now. However, it had no immediate effect, as the Homeland Party lacked the constitutional power to appoint or dismiss government officials. Hours later, Yunus Bozarslan denounced Tawfiq and promise to defend the constitutional order by any means necessary.

---

Qendere, Democratic Republic of Kyrzbekistan | Ochtyr 4, 1601

"Indeed, General, I'm afraid the situation is close to be out of control", Evren Aksoy said.

"There is no need to say that we see the situation in your country with concern", Tuguz Almasur replied. "It the situation worsened, it would be certainly bad for your nation, the region, and the NETO as a whole. Unfortunately, you may have not much time before things complicate so fast that we couldn't do much to help from outside. But we are ready to assist you immediately, in case of need".

"Politically", Aksoy continued. "You must understand it wouldn't be easy. It would be unprecedented, and difficult to sustain, even if we can restore peace and order immediately".

"I can understand", Tuguz Almasur replied. "But as I have already explained to President Damir Kazbekuz, all alternatives could be worse. If we wait too much, we ourselves could find our hands tied, while it can't be expected that our friends would be able to assist you more than reasonable. We offer you our help, but we can't promise that your survival is guaranteed if you wait too much".

"I understand you point of view, but the decision is not mine", Evren Aksoy answered.

Tuguz Almasur nodded, although his expression remained serious and unconvinced. "I must return to Ashkabad. Sadik will remain in Ayduramazan. He has my confidence. You can trust him. You'll have news very soon, in any case".

[Hadash]

Ga'bathi Akhadic Republic | Ochtyr 11, 1601

Following the call of Selahattin Orhan Tawfiq, al-Lasham's loyalists who were disgruntled with the current government marched to the streets. Demanding the resignation of the government and the formation of a new "revolutionary government" under Tawfiq's leadership. Clashes with police in the streets turned into riots in Lasham and Takar. Tawfiq found the support of regional and local officials as well as much of the Republican Guard. Several days of violence followed, and President Yunus Bozarslan was forced to flee to Ashkabad.

For several days, both Tawfiq and Bozarslan claimed to be the legitimate head of state of the Near East nation. However, Tawfiq was not able to control the city of Lasham, which military forces loyal to Bozarslan's government controlling several city district. There were conflicting rumours, including one that Bozarslan's government had asked NETO to assist him to pacify the country, in order to avoid a civil war, while others claimed that NETO representatives were about to meet Tawfiq, in order to advance a peaceful resolution between both sides. But violence continued until Ochtyr 8, when Kyrzbekistan's President Damir Kazbekur announced they recognized Yunus Bozarslan's government as the only legitimate government in the neighbor country.

---

Ayduramazan, Democratic Republic of Kyrzbekistan

Kyrzbekistani main parties had struggled so far to form a government. Earlier rumours had been heard that the Armed Forces may try to force the Socialist People's Party to accept a minority government led by the National Republican Party, probably supported by some minor parties such as the Solidarity Coalition. However, negotiations were started for a coalition between the Socialist People's Party and the National Republican Party, which would have a comfortable majority. After three weeks of negotiations, the final agreement still advance slowly, although it was expected that the new government would be led by Aydarar Ansarkur, the candidate of the Socialist People's Party, and therefore the returning to power of the Socialist People's Party, four years later. Still, the Socialist People's Party was expected to make several concessions, including a federal government which was expected to include at least half of the ministers from the National Republican Party and independent ministers, including probably several ministers from Ilshat Kulmiyur's government.

Kyrzbekistani politicians saw with concern the events in Ga'bath, although it did not help much to advance the negotiations for the formation of a new government. On the night of Ochtyr 10, when President Damir Kazbekuz announced that he had accepted the plea by President Yunus Bozarslan to assist Ga'bathi in the defeat of "terrorist forces" in order to avoid a bloodbath in the neighbor country, many were caught by surprise.

---

Kyrzbekistan's Northern Division crossed into Ga'bath border only a few hours later. Meanwhile, a joint operation by Kyrzbekistani and Ga'bathi Air Force -most of the Ga'bathi Air Force had remained loyal to Bozarslan government- attacked enemy positions in Takar and Lasham province. The Kyrzbekistani infantry, led by a large numbers of Kyrzbekistani tanks, advanced unopposed until they reached the province surrounding Takar. Meanwhile, Ga'bathi Army Forces loyal to Bozarslan's government launched a counter-offensive toward the western and southern provinces, where both Akhadist groups and forces loyal to Tawfiq were active during the last week.

General Nysha Zophakuz, who had also a prominent role in the 1574 Arberian crisis, was leading the operation by Kyrzbekistani forces. Soon, intense fighting erupted by Kyrzbekistani-Ga'bathi forces and rebel forces. Three days later, another Kyrzbekistani offensive was launched in the southern border, crossing into southern Ga'bath, aimed to secure the highway that goes between the Ga'bathi Akhadic Republic and the city-state of Selnas. An urgent meeting was called in NETO headquarters, while it was rumoured that Kyrzbekistani Foreign Minister was expected to visit Khanid and A'Sir in the coming days.