The Golden Road

[Hadash]

Nam Dinh, Imperial Kingdom of Hôinôm | Fein, 1593

"Your Imperial Majesty", Prime Minister Thuong Thành Minh told Empress Hông, "I am afraid I have bad news".

"If you allow me to take that liberty", Prime Minister Thuong continued, "I may say that I have bad news and very bad news, Your Imperial Majesty".

"Well, that isn't exactly new nowadays, is it?", Hông replied. "Let's start with the very bad news".

"We have received confirmation from Tiejungo that the plane did not land in the island, and the signal was likely lost before arriving their airspace", Thuong said. "My sincere condolences, Your Imperial Majesty. Tiejungo government has promised me that a joint commission could be created to find the answer, but as you can imagine, we are not in the best scenario to make it work".

"I understand", Empress Hông replied after a minute of silence. "It is probably better that way. What are the bad news?".

"The bad news, the other bad news", Prime Minister Thuong answered as he was trying to find the right words. "Yes, Your Imperial Majesty", he said, "it's that the meeting in Nyköping did not work as well as we planned. It is unclear if the agreement could be reached before the end of the year".

"I hope that's not the case", Hông replied. "Would our finances be decisively affected by this decision?", she asked.

"The agreement would have make things much more easier", Thuong answered. "But we will be able to find the required resources, Your Imperial Majesty. We have more serious problems to face right now, after all".

[Hadash]

Yên Dông province, Imperial Kingdom of Hôinôm | Septem, 1593

Bûi Thành Quyên suddenly woke up, struggling to remember where he was. He could feel his right leg wounded and his own hair stained with blood, and his hands hancuffed behind. All he could remember is how they convoy, in the withdrawing from the northern district of Yên Dông, was hit by enemy artillery, either a rocket or an airstrike, and then his memories started to fade away. He only remembered that he recovered conscience only a few minutes later, surrounded by Bhmer militiamen and several Hoinomese soldiers either dead or wounded, and how he received a bow with a rifle bow on the head, and several men started to beat him while on the floor. He expected to be killed, but a man for some reason ordered them to stop. He did not remember how he ended in that room or where he was exactly. His fate was not very promising, but at this point he didn't fear death.

General Bûi Thành Quyên had spent most of the conflict in the northern region, trying to end the anti-government revolt first and later fighting the separatist insurgency, after being appointed by Prime Minister Quang Công Quang as military governor of the region. He had not been part in General Lê Công Thuân's conspiration, although rumours of a coming coup d'etat were known in some military circles for weeks. Bûi didn't disapprove them, although he expected that the military leadership was going to act only to pressure the Empress to accept a military government, instead of the failed coup d'etat on Dein 1590. While he had not supported General Lê, he saw no point in resigning or opposing the coup, and remained in his position coordinating the war effort in the northern provinces with General Kiêu Công Trai.

Suddenly, the door opened. Three men entered. One of them gave orders to the other two, but Bûi was not able to listen to what he had said. He thought that his ear could have been damaged during the attack. Or maybe he was beat on the head too harshly. Although he did not feel any pain, Bûi thought, just he couldn't hear as well as before.

The men forced Bûi to stand up, while he was barely able to do, and put some dark bag on his head. He fear his life was going to end soon, or maybe they were going to torture demanding some information. When he protested, one of the men punched him on the face. They forced him to walk, but he was close to fall several times. Already on the street, they put him into some car, likely a truck or a van, he thought, which soon started to move.

At some point, he felt asleep. When he woke up, he had not idea how much time they had been travelling, as he didn't know if it was day or night. About two hours later, they car finally stopped. He could hear one of the men in the vehicle talking with someone from outside, but either he couldn't listen anything or he felt that they weren't talking in Hoinomese. They car continued the travel, but this time slowly. A few minutes later the car stopped again, but this time the other men left the vehicle. They left him there about twenty minutes. Then, they forced him to leave the car and move again.

Bûi could hear how a door was open, and also the sound from some birds - which made Bûi to think that maybe his hearing was not that affected. They removed the bag which covered his head and push him inside. Bûi fell and hurt his forehead with the ground. Suddenly, they could hear how the door was closed and locked up. Still handcuffed, Bûi struggle to stand up and move toward the nearby bed.

He looked around and saw that he was alone in some kind of small cabin. He approached one of the windows, but it was too dirty to see anything clearly. The only thing he could see were some mountain range on the backgroud, but Bûi was not able to recognize. It was not similar to any place that he had seen during his travels in the northern region.

He sat down again in the nearby bed, which covered by dust. In any case, he was too tired, and soon he fell asleep.

[Hadash]

Somewhere in Tieguo | Dein, 1593

After three months in which boredom had become even more annoying that lack of freedom, Bûi Thành Quyên was told to leave his cabin, where he spent most of the time since he arrived to Tieguo.

Bûi Thành Quyên and the two Tieguonese guard walked until they arrived to a block of concrete-made barracks at the other side from the cabin where he had stayed. Bûi Thành Quyên thought that could be the camp headquarters or, more likely, the place where interrogations were carried out. Not a pleasant thought to have, although Bûi Thành Quyên couldn't say that the Tieguonese guards had treated him too harsh - if one doesn't take into account the quality of the food he was served.

"Welcome General Bûi Thành Quyên", Jia Yazhu Xu said. "I hope your stay here was not too unpleasant".

"Who are you?", Bûi Thanh Quyên. "Since I was illegally transfered here, I was hidden any basic information. I demand...", he added before being interrupted by his opponent.

"Do you demand? With all my respect, can we avoid formalities and address you as General Bûi?", Jia Yazhu Xu said. "I don't think you are in a position to demand anything, General", he continued before Bûi Thanh Quyên had time to reply. "But I hope we can find some constructive common ground".

"As a prisoner of war, I have right to being informed...", Bûi Thành Quyên said before being interrupted again, this time by Jia Yazhu Xu's barely sincere laugh.

"While I had only recently a chance to read it, after reading your dossier", Jia Yazhu Xu told Bûi, "which you must be proud as it is quite long and old, I didn't really expect that you would talk about rights. It doesn't exactly honour your reputation, General".

"I am not interested in this conversation", Bûi Thành Quyên replied. "I demand that the Hoinomese government is informed of my arrest".

"Which Hoinomese government should we inform?" Jia Yazhu Xu replied. "And do you really think there is left any kind of Hoinomese government to inform?", he added with a smile.

"You would serve your country better if we could be able to find a compromise", Jia Yazhu Xu continued, "rather that losing you time while staying here".

"I am not a traitor", Bûi Thành Quyên replied.

"If I can be totally sincere, General", Jia Yazhu Xu replied, "and not something I'd say in other circumstances, but who decides what's treason? Not trying to sound pedant, General, but who remembers nowadays that whom the Singanese people call Sunthorn the Great and they consider their greatest national hero, was not prompted to power by the Tieguonese Empire but he led nothing but a tributary state...? You must carefully consider, General, how you could better serve your nation: helping to bring stability and order to your country, or sitting here for months, maybe years, before being exchanged as an ordinary soldier? Not to mention that about your own fate, General Bûi, if the wrong faction came to power in your country".

"I'm old enough to not care about my fate anymore", Bûi Thành Quyên replied. "That's all I need to say".

"Of course", Jia Yazhu Xu replied, "you don't need to decide that right now. But I urge you to consider it, General Bûi. I hope our next meeting will be more productive".

[Hadash]

Khanh Tum, Imperial Kingdom of Hôinôm | Fein, 1595

Quân Công Trai was taking a nap in his prison cell when he was suddenly woken up by one of the guards.

"It seems you have visit today", the guard said. "Be ready in five minutes, we haven't much time left for visits".

As one of the few Nationalist Party militants who were active inside Hôinôm before the revolution that wasn't in jail, Quân Công Trai had such a prominent role in the negotiations that gave birth to the Committee of Local and Regional Councils, which acted as the federal government for the territory held by the main important revolutionary faction. He was elected Deputy Chairman of the Committee in early 1590, and his prominence increased, becoming one of the favourites to replace Trang Công Trai, who had led the party sine 1567, as the new leader of the Hoinomese Nationalist Party. However, Trang would be replaced by Quân's main rival, Liêu Hùu Dùng. Quân Công Trai saw his influence decreased afterwards, and by late 1591, he resigned as Deputy Chairman of the Local and Regional Councils. In Ochtyr 1592, Quân resigned from the party organs, disagreeing with the new ideological shift that Liêu was imposing in the party, and by 1595 he officially left the party, although he remained political active with an administrative role in Khanh Tam.

Muong Công Ngôc's coup took Quân by surprise there, and he did not play any role in the fighting between rival rebel forces in the town the following days, which ended with about a hundred of casualties in both sides. When the Hoinomese army occupied the city, he was arrested. Five weeks had passed since then, but he seemed not to be much worried about it, as he had not place to flee after Muong Công Ngôc took power, after all.

Quân Công Trai wondered who could be visiting him in jail, though, as the guards did not tell him and his wife and children were living in Singan since 1591, and they likely unaware of Quân's fate. After waiting for ten minutes in an empty room, he could easily recognize the person that had visited him, although they had never met in person. It was Kim Công Dùc, one of the few left-leaning MPs elected in the 1581 legislative election.

"Well, hello", Quân Công Trai said without much interest, "how can I help you?".

"How are you?", Kim Công Dùc asked.

"I am fine...", Quân replied. "Nothing much has happened here since I ended here. As good or bad as it can be".

"I would have liked that our meeting were in a different setting", Kim replied, "but unfortunately we are here".

"Who's sending you?", Quân asked.

"I am here for my own initative, believe it or not", Kim said. "We tried to organize our meeting a week after you were arrested...but it was not easy. It was not clear what was going to happen here after all...I have contacts in Nam Dinh, but they were not keen to change imprisonment for a house arrest, which would have been certainly better for our meeting".

"I didn't expect you would be that active at this point", Quân replied, who didn't seem much impressed by Kim's explanation.

"The last time I heard about you, you were in Hôi Luỳên though", Quân continued. "How did you make it out?".

"I am not even sure myself how I did", Kim answered. "But it happened somehow. Things were chaotic, but we were lucky enough. Given the circumstances, maybe I wasn't considered a threat anymore".

"It could be so", Quân replied. "Unfortunately I can't that was the case of some people I knew".

"I can understand that was the case...", Kim said. "I'm sorry about it. Many innocent people has already suffered. But we can still build a better future".

"I am not sure I am that optimist right now", Quân replied, "after all we have experienced in recent years. I have my conscience clear. There is nothing I can repent, and I am not willing to help you to serve those we always despised".

"I am not asking you to do so", Kim said. "I am not serving anyone. But the country is exhausted after five years...We must find a way. But before that, it will try that you can leave this place, I promise".

"That won't be easy", Quân replied, more skeptical than amused. "In any case, I didn't give you my approval to use my name for any of your endeavours".

"That's fair", Kim said. "I hope we will be able to talk again in other circumstances".

Quân returned to his cell, wondering which were Kim's real intentions, but uncertain to reach any conclusion about them and about his own future.

[Hadash]

Imperial Kingdom of Hôinôm | Vintyr, 1595


On Vintyr 11, millions of Hoinomese were called to vote - excluding the areas controlled by Bhmer separatists and the so-called Tay Lahn government. The Hoinomese government and the rebel government based in Quang Cai had accepted to have democratic elections on Vintyr, however, they failed to agree on the terms. Despite this, Prime Minister Thuong Thành Minh's government decided to continue with the elections.

In the territory controlled by the Hoinomese government, parliamentary elections were called for every male citizen over 18 and every female citizen over 21. For first time since the restoration of the monarchy, there were no restrictions on the vote, and no seats would be reserved for either the military or the nobility. Despite the situation, it could be claimed to be the first free and fair elections in the country modern history -at least since the restoration of the monarchy seventy years ago. International observers invited by the government witnessed some flaws and irregularities in a few poll stations, but in general, they reported that they had been relatively free and transparent.

The government only allowed ten days of political campaign, claiming security reasons, but for first time, political parties were allowed to register and campaign. Critics and foreign media reported that authorities tended to support the Moderate Party, a recently created political party in which Prime Minister Thuong Thành Minh himself -as an independent candidate- was included in the party list, as well as several other ministers. The Nationalist Democratic Party, created by former rebel leader Quân Công Trai, was allowed to participate, although -unlike Quân himself- several of their candidates were still arrested and were not allowed to participate in the campaign. Quân Công Trai's political party, founded only a few months ago before the election, was the main anti-monarchist political party of those expected to obtain a seat in the new parliament, aiming to the establishment of a "democratic republic in Hôinôm", although it had more moderate policies compared to the Hoinomese Nationalist Party, which remained an underground organization as they rejected to participate in the elections, which they saw as an attempt to legitimaze the monarchist regime.

---

Meanwhile, in the territory controlled by the so-called Quang Cai government, the National Revolutionary Council rejected to allow international observers, claiming that they served the interests of Hoinomese government. Since last Ochtyr, what remained of the Hoinomese Nationalist Party merged with other revolutionary organizations, forming the Nationalist Revolutionary Party, which became the de facto only legal party. Vinh Hùu Quân was announced General Secretary of the new organization in their first congress held on late Dein, while Liêu Hùu Dùng -the leader of the Hoinomese Nationalist Party since 1591- joined the National Revolutionary Council as Minister of Foreign Affairs.

Instead of parliamentary elections, the National Revolutionary Council announced local elections for the same day -although most candidates who weren't supported by the Nationalist Revolutionary Party were not allowed to participate- and a national referendum to determine the future form for the government of Hôinôm. Such referendum, obviously, was only to be held in the territory controlled by the National Revolutionary Council, as the Hoinomese government rejected any kind of referendum about the future of the monarchy.

Both the local elections and the referendum had a lower turnout, but gave a predectible landslide victory to Vinh Hùu Quân's government. The National Revolutionary Council claimed that the elections had been "free and fair" and that the referendum result showed that the "Hoinomese people...is ready to start a new path" and called Hoinomese government to respect the "clear will of the Hoinomese people". Foreign reporters were only able to witness minor flaws in the voting process, although the official turnout was considered as unrealistic by most of them.

---

In the territory controlled by the Hoinomese government, the official result could only be announced on the morning on Vintyr 13. The result was certainly disappointing for Prime Minister Thuong Thành Minh's political allies as the Moderate Party only obtained 18% of the vote, while the Nationalist Democratic Party became the most voted political party. Initially, it was reported that the Nationalist Democratic Party had obtained up to 31% of the vote, although the recount reduced that number to 28.8%, but still enough to become the political party with most seats in the national parliament, although the Moderate Party was helped by the new electoral law which gave them about 25% of the seats of the parliament. The division of the other right-wing and monarchist forces helped the Democratic Party, established by Kim Công Dùc, to the third political party with 11% of the vote.

Once the official result was announced, the political future of Thuong Thành Minh, who had been Prime Minister since 1591, seemed complicated, although the Prime Minister was still directly appointed by the monarch, not the parliament. In any case, the government was likely facing a divided parliament, while the country was probably more divided than the day before the election.

[Hadash]

Imperial Kingdom of Hôinôm | Late Vintyr 1595


Following the arrest of Tôn Dùc Vang in the last week of 1589, Dàm Vân Chi became the General Secretary of the National Federation of Workers and Farmers, the largest union in Hôinôm. As revolt started, the National Federation of Workers and Farmers (popularly known as Hôi Liên) was forced to the underground again. Although it did not support neither the nationalists (the relationship between the Nationalist Party and the workers movement had been sore for years) neither the northern separatists, many Hôi Liên militants ended either in prison or were killed by pro-government forces. Still, Hôi Liên became the only political organization to operate in both pro-government and rebel territory with a considerable number of militant and members.

After the 1592 coup d'etat, the Nam Dinh government was forced to relax the persecution of the Hôi Liên, specially in the Nam Dinh province, where the Hôi Liên had a widespread support between the local workers, specially in the construction and textile sectors. Under the Thuong Thành Minh's government, the Hôi Liên became slightly tolerated, as the organization remained politically independent -despite the efforts of the underground nationalist militants- and defended national unity against both northern separatists and Tieguonese intervention. Once government forces took Hôi Luỳên and the People’s Democratic of Hôinôm was proclaimed, divisions increased in the organization. In Dein 1594, Dàm Vân Chi was replaced by Doàn Quang Nguyên as leader of the Hôi Liên. Dàm continued an influential member of Hôi Liên's National Committee, and a leading representative of the most radical faction of the organization, but his influence seemed to fade away against Doàn Quang Nguyên's more apolitical orientation.

Dàm never liked and trusted the Nationalist Party, which he found outdated and unable to connect with the interests of the masses. He was not surprised in the defeatism of some of their leaders in the territory controlled by the Hoinomese government, and the failure of both the moderate nationalists and the political takeover of Muong Còng Ngôc and his supporters. Dàm had earlier felt that they were not that different to the nationalists, and he had ordered to limit the contacts of the Hôi Liên with Muong's movement during his last months as General Secretary of the Hôi Liên. But as a staunch anti-monarchist, Dàm couldn't tolerate the accomodation toward the government that Doàn Quang Nguyên was willing to do.

Two weeks after the election, Dàm crossed the unofficial border along Dào Dùc Bào, whom Dàm had met for first time a decade before in Tiejungo. Although the distance was not long, they travelled for eleven days, crossing through hills and the jungle, until they finally arrived to Mâi Yông, not far away from Dào's hometown. There, they were received by a man named Tiêu, a Dào's old friend, whom -Dàm was told- had joined the Nationalist Party during the first month of the war, and joined the local government in rebel territory.

Dàm understood that his own future was certainly uncertain, but he was glad that they could reach their aim without more problems than their aching feet.

[Hadash]

Imperial Kingdom of Hôinôm | Alvan 4, 1596


"Welcome", Quân Công Trai said. "This old house may not be impressive, but it is certainly better that the place where we met previously". He ended the sentence with a not very convincing smile. But he seemed calm and relaxed, despite his paradoxical personal situation.

A situation that he couldn't himself imagine. A year ago, he was still one of the most prominent revolutionary leaders. Now, in a twist of fate, after several months in a Hoinomese prison, he found himself leading the largest political group in the Imperial parliament, his former comrades had labelled him as a traitor and sentenced him to death in absentia.

There was not way back then. Still, his situation was uncertain. Although the government had released him and put him in a relaxed house arrest during the electoral campaign, it was not clear -only two weeks before the inauguration of the new parliament- if he was going to be allowed to take his seat, as it was pending of a general amnesty which details were not officially public.

Kim Công Dùc smiled back. His smiled seemed more sincere but less confident.

"The travel was comfortable enough, giving the circumstances", Kim replied. "Going here, one realizes how much things have changed and remain the same in the last years at the same time. How are you doing?".

"I don't complain", Quân replied. "Things must change immediately but, for now, that attention by the press is both pleasant and exhausting. How are things going in Hôi Luỳên, in your opinion?".

"I'm pretty sure that you have good information how everything is going", Kim answered. "However, as you know, two days ago I could meet the Empress in the palace".

"As you may understand", Kim continued, "she was not exactly receptive on many things we discussed. But I think we're going in the right direction. We are working so the government is able to pass all those decrees before the end of the week without changes in the provisional drafts".

"I wish I was as an optimist as you are", Quân replied. "Many things should change. We have not come this long way for a parliament under tutelage".

"As you can imagine", Kim replied. "That's never going to be my goal. I have gone through many things that you couldn't be able to understand", he added, and his face seemed more rigid for a minute. Kim Công Dùc had been a member of the Hoinomese parliament for almost nine years, which in other parliamentary nations wouldn't be that long, but it was certainly in Hôinôm for a member of the parliamentary liberal faction as Kim was. An experience that Quân Công Trai lacked.

Obviously, Quân disagreed about the importance of such experience. After all, Kim had never moved outwardly besides the law. He had not known exile or long-term imprisonment, and he had never challenged the authority of the state. It was not long ago when he considered men like him no other thing but political enemies. But in the current circumstances, Quân understood that he needed people like him to advance their political goals now.

"Any kind of referendum or plebistice is rather impossible in the current situation", Kim added. "For different reasons, I don't think they are wrong though. But we have a chance and we can ignore it, it is possible to build something new".

"What our country needs", Kim continued, "is collective intelligence. I don't think we should find in the crown an enemy for now. What we need now, it's a program of governance. If we advance, the country will moved toward us".

"I'm not in easy situation, as you may understand", Quân replied. "I'm not alone on this. Many people have suffered too much, too many casualties and too much blood, to go back to old business as if nothing had happened. I don't care about promises and good words anymore. I will only believe in actions".

"Until I don't see that", Quân continued, "nothing will change".

[Hadash]

Southern Hôinôm | Marth, 1596


War run through Iririya's veins. Her own father was a veteran of the Kyrzbekistani civil war who had intervened in the Wadiyah civil war as part of the Kyrzbekistan's contingent. Four of seven Iririya's elder brothers had served in the armed forces as well.

She carefully but quickly looked through the sight of her rifle and shot and killed his aim, a young Hoinomese enemy who fell as a bag of potatoes, becoming the 12th victim of her body count only that day.

While preparing her rifle for the next shot, she could barely avoid thinking for a second that person that she helped to become a corpse was more a teenager than a man.

Iririya felt that this wasn't her war, fighting in a civil war thousands and thousands kilometres from home. Killing for a revolutionary faction against a rival one, which differences she could barely understood.

But those thoughts immediately faded away, and she slowly crawled for her next shot.

---

Only a few miles from where Iririya was, Lieutenant-Colonel Ilgiz Laysanur was walking in along Commander Trai Công Lê, who had become his main confidant in the last weeks.

Ilgiz was sent by Kyrzbekistani government to secretly serve as a military advisor for the so-called People's Democratic Republic of Hôinôm, although his actual role had become way wider than that.

"The new Mayari administration is certainly making things harder", Lieutenant-Colonel Ilgiz Laysanur told Commander Trai. "It's more and more difficult crossing the border these days. Even with the help of our comrades in Mayari, it will be become more complicated to supply and sustain your advance against your enemies. Soon, the rest of being completely cut out will become very real".

"I understand", Trai replied. "We are already struggling to keep the effort. We have wasted too many resources and men just in the last weeks".

"If Tieguo is not an option either", Lieutenant-Colonel Ilgiz said, "the only way out would be a way toward the coast. Even without a navy, that would open new ways and we may do something".

"If things don't change", Ilgiz continued, "you will only slowly bleed to death".

"Let's go back", Trai said. "I feel Comrade Duông may bring some news".

Ilgiz nodded.

[Hadash]

Imperial Kingdom of Hôinôm | Septem, 1596


"Your Imperial Majesty", Binh said. "Mr. Vân Lành Pham has arrived".

"Very well", Empress Hông replied. "Tell him I am ready. I will be in five minutes in my main office".

"Yes, Your Imperial Majesty", Binh replied, leaving the hall.

---

"Your Imperial Majesty", Vân Lành Pham -deputy chairman of the Imperial Intelligence Agency- said. "I hope I came in the right moment".

"You are welcome, Vân", Empress Hông said. "Take a seat".

"Thank you, Your Imperial Majesty", Vân Lánh Pham replied.

"What brings you here today?", Empress Hông asked. "General Kim told me not even the Prime Minister was informed about your visit today".

"That's right, Your Imperial Majesty", Vân Lành Pham answered. "I wanted to take seriously and carefully, for the good of the imperial family and the country".

"Not sure if I should be concerned", Empress Hông replied. "Tell me the reason of your visit then".

"Yes, Your Imperial Majesty", Vân replied. "As you may know, we have been following closely Prince Lâm in Tiejungo, in order to assure his protection and well-being, as you may imagine".

"What happened?", an increasingly concerned Empress Hông asked.

"Absolutely nothing, Your Imperial Majesty...", Vân Lành Pham replied. "I mean that he is certainly safe".

"But we thought that it would be better that Your Imperial Majesty was informed of some events regarding the Prince's stay in Tiejungo", a staggering Vân continued while opening his portfolio. He took a folder including a report written in blue ink along several pictures and gave it to the empress.

Empress Hông looked at the pictures. Her expression suddenly turned almost faceless. She did not say a word for almost two minutes, while Vân Lành Pham unpatiently stared at her without saying anything as well. Vân's face muscles were certainly tense, as he was expecting the Empress to act before deciding which emotions he was supposed to show.

"What is this?", Empress Hông finally asked. "When were these pictures taken?", she asked then with an increasingly higher tone. "How many people have seen them?".

"As you may understand", Vân tried to explain carefully, "we have taken this issue with confidentiality and care it deserves".

"Only five people", Vân continued, "including myself and General Kim, know the existence of these pictures. Not even Chairman Thao or any other member of the cabinet, including the Prime Minister, had been informed about the content of them".

"Burn these pictures", Empress Hông said, breaking the silence that followed. "Destroy every copy you have. I don't want to hear a word about this anymore".

"Yes, Your Imperial Majesty", Vân Lành Pham said. "That won't be difficult. Your words are orders. Nobody will know about this issue, you have my word".

---

"Binh!", Empress Hông said as soon as Vân Lânh Pham left.

"Yes, Your Imperial Majesty?", Binh asked.

"Contact immediately Minh Châu Nguyen in Tiejungo", Hông ordered. "I need to talk to him now".

"Yes, Your Imperial Majesty", Binh replied. "It will be done immediately. Do you need anything more?".

"No..", Hông answered. "Do it now. I will be waiting that call".

"Yes, Your Imperial Majesty", Binh added before leaving.

[Hadash]

Imperial Kingdom of Hôinôm | Nueva, 1596


In his table at the "Tinh tê Dông" restaurant, Jernej Skrbinsek patiently listened to Lê Quang Quyên, while finishing his meal, spicy chicken with rice. It was only his second day in Ham Không, but he was glad to have some entertainment compared to their previous travels through the country when bureaucratic job consumed most of his agenda.

It was not bad to find a sympathetic opinion for once either, Skrbinsek thought. Although he tried to avoid to be directly involved in partisan disputes or political controversies, since he arrived to the country, he found nothing but opposition to reforms in the business elite and the conservative press. Although he could barely underestand much about Hoinomese politics either, he felt that it was not a coincidence that the region was one the few ones controlled by the Hoinomese government which had fallen for a while in the hands of the radical insurgency, and therefore men like Lê understood the need of reform – the example of the rival Quang Cai government, which radical rural transformation which came along with state violence and rumours of hundreds of executions was not exactly pedagogical, but maybe helped to make understand the Hoinomese elite at least the need to tolerate some important changes, he thought.

While he was kept lost in such thoughts, Lê Quang Quyên continued his conversation in broken Oslanburgan with Besnik Kelmed. Kelmed and Skrbinsek had met ten years before during an economic conference in Qënderë, Kyrzbekistan. Back then, Kelmed was Deputy Chairman of the Central Bank of Kyrzbekistan, while Skrbinsek was working for the Ministry of Economic Development during Zvezdana Serebryak’s presidency.

Five years later, they would meet a second time in Mordvania. Skrbinsek was then teaching in a local university, while Kelmed had an important position in a Kyrzbekistan corporation, and they were able to have a more honest conversation. Skrbinsek contacted Besnik Kelmed again when the chance of being hired by the Hoinomese government suddenly came to his door.

Minister Tran Anh Van was looking for foreign expertise for his program of land reform. Under Skrbinsek’s advice and assistance, the ministry drafter the agrarian reform plan, in which landlords who owned more than the permitted amount had to sell the excess land to the government at the fixed price. The government then sold it at the same price, giving first preference to any tenant who had been farming the land, and who were helped through a program of social credits granted by the government. Although the reform was controversial and it was soon followed by calls to depose the government, it provided reasonable compensation to the landlords who had to sell their land to the government. In the first four months, approximately 30$ of the cultivated land in the territory controlled by the government was purchased from the landlords and re-sold to the farmers who worked them.

Skrbinsek’s thought were suddenly interrupted by the sound of familiar words at the opposite side of the restaurant. It was literally the words and not the voice -a feminine but strong voice-, as it had been months since the last time that Skrbinsek had heard his native language.

The woman, maybe ten years younger than Skrbinsek, was sat down with an older Hoinomese man, who remained silent while the woman talked through her mobile phone.

“Do you know that lady?”, asked Lê Quang Quyên, who had realized what had grabbed Skrbinsek’s attention.

“No, excuse me”, Skrbinsek answered. “It is just that I didn’t expect to suddenly hear Mordvanian here.

“I understand”, Lê Quang Quyên replied. “I actually believe I know his companion”, the Hoinomese businessman continued. “He works in the local university. His brother studied with me at Nam Dinh, and worked for the governor’s office at least a few years before the violence broke up...”.

“This is a rather small town”, Lê Quang Quyên added, “...at least for educated people. I will tell the waiter to ask them if they willing to join us, if they have no inconvenience”.