Eternity RPC Board
10-24-2019, 11:05 AM
Laham, Ga'bathi Akhadi Republic | Ochtyr, 1601
Since the death of President Basham al-Laham in 1598, a political impasse had frozen the Near East nation for three years. Yunus Bozarslan, former Premier and Minister of Defense, was appointed president. Despite hopes of change, the political situation had not changed much. Azad Karga, a former Minister of Finance in the 1580s, was appointed Premier in 1600, and although he introduced some administrative reforms, his liberalization reforms were timid at best. The regime was suddenly shook by a wave of protests, mostly caused by the worsening economic situation and unpopular reforms aimed to balance the budget, although they were chaotic and contradictory, and did not pose a serious threat at the regime. Yunus Bozarslan's government, did not hesitate to use state repression to persecute the main leaders and activists of the protests, as they would have done in the past.
President Yunus Bozarslan had forced Altan Badem to resign as General Secretary of the Homeland Party. Badem was replaced by Abdülkadir Bal-Badik, who despite being a close associate to Basham al-Laham, proved loyal to Yunus Bozarslan's administration. However, Azad Karga's government started to undone some uncontroversial reforms established by Basham al-Laham's regime in the last decade -specially on religious and civil issues-, which increased dissent in both the state and the administration. Abdülkadir Bal-Badik suddenly died in late 1600. He was replaced by Homeland Party's Deputy General Secretary, Selahattin Orhan Tawfiq, who happened to be a distant relative of Basham al-Laham. Following recent reforms, however, the importance of the Homeland Party was considerably reduced, with several ministers without political background, and Tawfiq himself did not openly show any conflict with the government.
The 21th Political Conference of the Homeland Party, held in Laham, was expected to confirm a change of policy rumoured for weeks, the replacement of Azad Karga as Premier by Salih Kücük, former Minister of Foreign Affairs. However, when Selahattin Tawfiq took the podium he started a long speech in which he mentioned a list of failures and wrong policies by the two last Chief Ministers. To the surprise to everyone, he denounced several military and political officials, including Yunus Bozarslan himself, whom Tawfiq accused of undoing the legacy of the 1554 revolution and betraying the "revolutionary conquests" established and consolidated by Basham al-Laham. His speech was followed by silence, which was only interrupted by a chaotic applause by some party representatives, but much of the room kept silent.
Despite rumours that the political conference could be suddenly suspended, it continued as expected. A majority of the Homeland Party representatives -which was mostly formed by local representatives and regional officials- voted approvingly for Selahattin Tawfiq's declaration, including a proposal which called to the resignation of Yunus Bozarslan as President of the Republic to be replaced by a new "Revolutionary Government" led by Selahattin Tawfiq himself. To many, this resembled the way that Basham al-Laham had ascended to power, which probably Selahattin was trying to emulate now. However, it had no immediate effect, as the Homeland Party lacked the constitutional power to appoint or dismiss government officials. Hours later, Yunus Bozarslan denounced Tawfiq and promise to defend the constitutional order by any means necessary.
Qendere, Democratic Republic of Kyrzbekistan | Ochtyr 4, 1601
"Indeed, General, I'm afraid the situation is close to be out of control", Evren Aksoy said.
"There is no need to say that we see the situation in your country with concern", Tuguz Almasur replied. "It the situation worsened, it would be certainly bad for your nation, the region, and the NETO as a whole. Unfortunately, you may have not much time before things complicate so fast that we couldn't do much to help from outside. But we are ready to assist you immediately, in case of need".
"Politically", Aksoy continued. "You must understand it wouldn't be easy. It would be unprecedented, and difficult to sustain, even if we can restore peace and order immediately".
"I can understand", Tuguz Almasur replied. "But as I have already explained to President Damir Kazbekuz, all alternatives could be worse. If we wait too much, we ourselves could find our hands tied, while it can't be expected that our friends would be able to assist you more than reasonable. We offer you our help, but we can't promise that your survival is guaranteed if you wait too much".
"I understand you point of view, but the decision is not mine", Evren Aksoy answered.
Tuguz Almasur nodded, although his expression remained serious and unconvinced. "I must return to Ashkabad. Sadik will remain in Ayduramazan. He has my confidence. You can trust him. You'll have news very soon, in any case".
Since the death of President Basham al-Laham in 1598, a political impasse had frozen the Near East nation for three years. Yunus Bozarslan, former Premier and Minister of Defense, was appointed president. Despite hopes of change, the political situation had not changed much. Azad Karga, a former Minister of Finance in the 1580s, was appointed Premier in 1600, and although he introduced some administrative reforms, his liberalization reforms were timid at best. The regime was suddenly shook by a wave of protests, mostly caused by the worsening economic situation and unpopular reforms aimed to balance the budget, although they were chaotic and contradictory, and did not pose a serious threat at the regime. Yunus Bozarslan's government, did not hesitate to use state repression to persecute the main leaders and activists of the protests, as they would have done in the past.
President Yunus Bozarslan had forced Altan Badem to resign as General Secretary of the Homeland Party. Badem was replaced by Abdülkadir Bal-Badik, who despite being a close associate to Basham al-Laham, proved loyal to Yunus Bozarslan's administration. However, Azad Karga's government started to undone some uncontroversial reforms established by Basham al-Laham's regime in the last decade -specially on religious and civil issues-, which increased dissent in both the state and the administration. Abdülkadir Bal-Badik suddenly died in late 1600. He was replaced by Homeland Party's Deputy General Secretary, Selahattin Orhan Tawfiq, who happened to be a distant relative of Basham al-Laham. Following recent reforms, however, the importance of the Homeland Party was considerably reduced, with several ministers without political background, and Tawfiq himself did not openly show any conflict with the government.
The 21th Political Conference of the Homeland Party, held in Laham, was expected to confirm a change of policy rumoured for weeks, the replacement of Azad Karga as Premier by Salih Kücük, former Minister of Foreign Affairs. However, when Selahattin Tawfiq took the podium he started a long speech in which he mentioned a list of failures and wrong policies by the two last Chief Ministers. To the surprise to everyone, he denounced several military and political officials, including Yunus Bozarslan himself, whom Tawfiq accused of undoing the legacy of the 1554 revolution and betraying the "revolutionary conquests" established and consolidated by Basham al-Laham. His speech was followed by silence, which was only interrupted by a chaotic applause by some party representatives, but much of the room kept silent.
Despite rumours that the political conference could be suddenly suspended, it continued as expected. A majority of the Homeland Party representatives -which was mostly formed by local representatives and regional officials- voted approvingly for Selahattin Tawfiq's declaration, including a proposal which called to the resignation of Yunus Bozarslan as President of the Republic to be replaced by a new "Revolutionary Government" led by Selahattin Tawfiq himself. To many, this resembled the way that Basham al-Laham had ascended to power, which probably Selahattin was trying to emulate now. However, it had no immediate effect, as the Homeland Party lacked the constitutional power to appoint or dismiss government officials. Hours later, Yunus Bozarslan denounced Tawfiq and promise to defend the constitutional order by any means necessary.
Qendere, Democratic Republic of Kyrzbekistan | Ochtyr 4, 1601
"Indeed, General, I'm afraid the situation is close to be out of control", Evren Aksoy said.
"There is no need to say that we see the situation in your country with concern", Tuguz Almasur replied. "It the situation worsened, it would be certainly bad for your nation, the region, and the NETO as a whole. Unfortunately, you may have not much time before things complicate so fast that we couldn't do much to help from outside. But we are ready to assist you immediately, in case of need".
"Politically", Aksoy continued. "You must understand it wouldn't be easy. It would be unprecedented, and difficult to sustain, even if we can restore peace and order immediately".
"I can understand", Tuguz Almasur replied. "But as I have already explained to President Damir Kazbekuz, all alternatives could be worse. If we wait too much, we ourselves could find our hands tied, while it can't be expected that our friends would be able to assist you more than reasonable. We offer you our help, but we can't promise that your survival is guaranteed if you wait too much".
"I understand you point of view, but the decision is not mine", Evren Aksoy answered.
Tuguz Almasur nodded, although his expression remained serious and unconvinced. "I must return to Ashkabad. Sadik will remain in Ayduramazan. He has my confidence. You can trust him. You'll have news very soon, in any case".