The Fork in the Road

[Nentsia]

1585

Ksenia Vynnychuk gazed at her father's tired, pale face. He seemed asleep, but she knew he wasn't. She held his hand, but it was slowly turning colder. Her husband, Svyataslau, put an arm around her as she tried to fight the tears. Aliaksei Vynnychuk had died earlier that evening after his struggle with cancer. The man who had governed Nentsia since 1558 had now died at age 78.

Ksenia had never felt so alone before. She stood now before the daunting task of leading the country and restoring order. But she felt that she was increasingly fighting for the survival of her family and her own life. There was an angry mob out there in the streets that demanded her head. God knows what might happen to her husband and child if they succeeded.

Elsewhere in the country, more political figures were joining the opposition movement in the squares. Zhenya Kostiuk had now joined the people in the squares together with his far-right hooligans. Back in the 1570's, Kostiuk was an agent of the UGB, who ran for political office with the goal of attracting the far-right vote in favor of the regime. Now money wasn't enough anymore. Kostiuk, always a lose canon, was now looking after his own political interests. Taras Polatski, another one of Vynnychuk's ploys, also joined the opposition movement. Vynnychuk's Potemkin system was unravelling: the myriad of fake political parties, fake associations, were now rapidly defecting to the opposition and began to resemble real political parties, with real political views, real members, and real ambitions.

The people in the squares had no knowledge yet of the death of the hated president, but they would surely welcome it as a victory. Ksenia Vynnychuk was terrified that the news would reach the public. She feared that if the masses would learn of her father's death, it would embolden them to resort to violent revolution. Ihar Kumieha, the Director General of the UGB - the security service - warned Ksenia that division was spreading among the lower police ranks, with officers sympathizing with the people in the streets. Some police officers had in fact joined the crowds.

Elsewhere in the capital, the leaders of the National Democratic Party were negotiating on the telephone with leading figures of the Hramada Party, the ruling party that controlled the Rada, the legislature. Its leading figure, Kostya Lukyanenko - considered a Vynnychuk loyalist - was willing to negotiate with the leaders of the opposition, hoping to drive a wedge between moderates and radicals. But he was also negotiating with them out of pure self-preservation. By maintaining contact with the opposition leaders, he could get a sense of what they were up to, how well-organized they were, and keep an eye on where this whole situation was heading to. Lukyanenko too was nervously looking for the emergency exit doors.

''Listen. Nobody wants this to escalate. Ksenia Vynnychuk is a reasonable woman, I've met her. I need you to be reasonable too. Aliaksei will pass on his power to her. With her we could try to work out a government of national unity.'' Lukyanenko said on the phone from his estate, just outside the capital.

Vladislav Kholodinsky, calling from an apartment in central Mstsislavsk - and surrounded by representatives from all involved oppositionist forces - yelled back at the Hramada leader. ''You still don't get it. Ksenia must go. This is not negotiable to us. There must be free and fair presidential elections. To hell with the Vynnychuks! Convince them to take the next plane to Severyane or something. I am warning you that time is running out for them!''

While the politicians were bickering, the Vynnychuk's were mourning, the Minister of Defence Ruslan Tsimashenka was taking matters into his own hands. The UGB reports that the police forces were falling apart slowly frightened him so much that he had ordered the military troops nearby the capital to mobilize and to advance on the capital. They had to stand ready to take over law-enforcement from the police if they would lose their capacity to effectively maintain control over the government quarters in the capital. Ihar Kumieha, the UGB chief, instructed his border guards to close the Nentsian borders. Throughout the country, UGB agents and paramilitary troops from the Ministry of Internal Affairs (MVD) rounded up the families of identified opposition leaders - and above all their supporting staff. Zhenya Kostiuk's family was the first that night to be kidnapped and taken hostage by the secret police after they learned of his defection. Kostiuk's brother, two cousins, and a couple of friends had been taken to a remote police station where they were viciously tortured. They could not find Kostiuk's wife however. Kholodinsky's brother had been kidnapped weeks ago. He was shot dead in prison that night.

After midnight, a telephone call from the National Security Chief Artsyom Ramanyuk finally reached Vice-President Ksenia Vynnychuk, who had been difficult to reach all day. ''Vice-President. I have received information that the military is preparing to take over the capital if police forces are routing. You must give the permission...''

Ksenia stared at Aliaksei Vynnychuk's dead body lying on his bed while thinking about her next move. ''You have permission. Secure the capital by all means necessary.''

''...Understood.''