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The Fork in the Road - Nentsia - 06-25-2017 Мсциславск (Mstsislavsk) 1584 It was a night as every other in the center of the Nentsian capital, Mstsislavsk - a name that foreign tourists will never learn to pronounce. In the past there were even politicians who proposed to change the name, but in the current political climate, such changes - for symbolic reasons - were unthinkable. For Mstsislavsk was named after the legendary medieval grand prince Mstsislav, who resisted foreign invaders with his army and managed to keep the city and its Kremlin out of the hands of a larger overlord for a while, before the inevitable happened anyway. St. Mstsislav is now a symbol of strength, of national sovereignty, of resilience and of national pride. Such powerful symbols have been kidnapped in the past years by the president, Aliaksei Vynnychuk, who has been using national symbols to promote loyalty towards his own person. Looking out over the city from a luxurious hotel was the president's daughter, Ksenia. A middle-aged woman now, her father increasingly began to rely on her for everything and anything. It could be political, diplomatic, or something as simple as watching a movie with him. Having been the president of this country since 1559, the president was getting old. He had come to power as a reformer, a man who would change the establishment. But now it wasn't so certain anymore what his legacy would be. From the 1570's onwards, Vynnychuk's reign had faced growing accusations of corruption, abuse of power, election rigging, and the use of brutal violence against opponents and demonstrations. Since the 1580's the regime went into siege mode: the opposition had fled the country, and was colluding with the Mordvanians to overthrow the regime, while the regime used all possible means to suppress open expressions of dissent and to crush all threats. This was now the fork in the road: using ever more force to control the country, or to reach out to the enemy and propose reforms? With the physical ageing and weakening of Vynnychuk, the face of the system appeared weaker and weaker. Ksenia Vynnychuk, who had been a Senator (never present) and a Deputy Prime Minister, aside from owning several major companies which were given favourable treatments by herself as the government, expected that she would take over from her father in the near future. The man did not trust any of his political cronies, and certainly not any of the military figures or officers from the security services. He had no sons or brothers. Ksenia was the only person he really trusted. He never outright told her however that he wanted her to take over. Only once he said that if he did, she'd be assassinated by someone. There will always be someone who wants to block the transition. It was for her own safety. But if Vynnychuk dropped dead tomorrow, her authority to succeed him could be weak. Therefore Ksenia had made an arrangement with her father tonight. She would have a meeting with her father, and demand some guarantees. At about 1 o'clock in the night, a motorcade showed up before the entrance of the hotel. Bodyguards secured the area and shielded a person who quickly vanished into the hotel. Five minutes later, Ksenia received a phonecall from the hotel manager that the president was on his way. Ksenia and some of her secretaries prepared themselves, and then there was a knock on the door. A bunch of muscular bodyguards came in, searched the room in a few seconds, and then let in the president - followed by his security minister, and his staff from the Office of the President. Ksenia greeted her father and they sat down - almost as if it was some kind of a diplomatic meeting. People tended to keep their distance from the president, and the president kept them at distance. He demanded respect, and people were afraid to insult the man. Initially, Ksenia first had to convince her father that this was a private conversation and that she wanted to speak to him alone. After some hesitation, the president told everyone else to leave the room with the gesture of his shaking hand. ''How is your cancer treatment going?'' Ksenia then asked when everyone was gone. The president shrugged. ''I will die fighting'', he remarked somewhat cynically. Ksenia and the president drank tea. ''Are the doctors doing all they can? Have you consulted specialists in Nyland, Angiris and Lanlania?'' Ksenia inquired. The president barely responded. Nothing frightened him more than medical talk. He distrusted his own body. Hospitals reminded him of how vulnerable anyone really is, and that we all carry our own deaths inside of us, long before we actually die. ''I have read about another experimental treatment..'' Ksenia tried again, but the president interrupted her with a gesture of his shaking hand. ''What do you really wish to discuss?'' he then asked with a low voice. Ksenia had prepared her formulation. ''Mr. President, I think you will not be around us for long anymore, and I think you know it. In the interests of the State and the Nentsian people, I think it is of utmost importance that you take the necessary preparations in case we lose you as our President. Appoint me as your Vice-President, and I am in the position to quickly dash the hopes of any eager usurper. The country is in good hands with me. I have your genes. Only you and I can bring stability and order in this country. Without us, it is lost.'' President Vynnychuk stared at his daughter the same way when a minister reports bad news to him: unmoved, bored even. Seemingly calm. After a moment of silence, he came with his response. ''The moment I announce that, you will be living in a cage. Mordvanians, Kubanizan mafia, Saratovian nationalists, traitor within our own ranks, the armed opposition - all of them want your head on a silver plate. You will live from fortress to fortress, travel in the dark of the night, and learn to fear everyone as a potential assassin. You will learn to distrust even those closest to you, and you will grow addicted, like an alcoholic, to your position. I want to spare you from all that, but I still wish for you to expierence it one day.'' Ksenia didn't move a single muscle in her face as she listened. ''I know what I am doing. Spare me the trouble when you are gone, and elevate me to the position of Vice-President. I have been in more troubling positions in my life.'' President Vynnychuk rose from his seat. Ksenia followed his example. He put on his long coat, and the bodyguards and staff re-entered the room. A call was made to the hotel staff to clear the hallways. The president did not feel like seeing anyone else this evening. When the halls of the hotel were cleared, the president headed back to his car, and disappeared in the night. Ksenia walked over to her cell-phone and dialed a number of a man named Ihar Kumieha, who worked as a high-ranking officer for the UGB, Directorate of State Security. ''Do it. I will have your back.'' At the other end of the city that night, a group of Nentsian gangsters and UGB agents placed explosives under the car of vice-president Zmitser Gavrilenko - then having a dinner in one of the most exclusive restaurants of the country. When he left, around 2.30 in the morning, he and his wife, and four bodyguards were blown up. RE: The Fork in the Road - Nentsia - 06-27-2017 The central squares in various cities across the country had filled themselves with demonstrators. A week ago, Vice-President Zmitser Gavrilenko and his wife had been killed in a car bomb. While the police were still investigating the matter, and the government strongly condemned it as an act of terrorism, President Vynnychuk appointed his daughter Ksenia as the replacement to the position of vice-president. To many young Nentsians, it was a rehearsal of the events more than a decade ago, when the president also appointed his daughter to powerful positions in government. They saw it as a symbol of the nepotism and corruption within the system. But now there was something different. The masses in the streets were bigger, the people who were demonstrating were of varied backgrounds. The anger was bigger. The mobilization went faster and more spontaneous. All these people interpreted Ksenia's appointment as a sign of something bigger: President Vynnychuk had chosen her as his successor. The people in the streets wanted to prevent that. For long they had accepted the corruption, they even accepted Vynnychuk's abuse of power - because they received political and economic stability in return. But to allow him to simply appoint his daughter as the future president, that went too far. It was an act of contempt towards the Nentsian people, and their right to elect their own president. Ksenia had not proven why she should be in power. Even the older generations of Nentsians, who had always voted for president Vynnychuk, agreed that there should be open elections to decide upon his successor. Some demonstrators therefore brought signs that read ''Down with the King!'' The demonstrations were so large, and so unexpected, that the police and security troops were caught by surprise. They could not prevent the masses from occupying the city squares and show their discontent. The media however, pretended as if nothing was going on and even showed false footage of quiet cities and empty squares. Even in Mordvania, home to many Nentsian immigrants and exiled dissidents, people showed up to protest before the Nentsian embassy and consulates. In Sierada more than a 100,000 demonstrators took the streets and even threatened to occupy the city hall. In Yagaila, home to many marginalized religious groups, 150,000 demonstrators took to the streets and besieged government buildings. Professional activist groups and members of the underground resistance had taken the lead over events there, following the news of civil unrest in Sierada. The protests in Yagaila and Sierada were more militant, fuelled by decades of cropped up resentment and frustration over the political course of Vynnychuk. Vynnychuk never enjoyed any support in these cities. Poltsebsk, Kolodinsk, and Mstsislavsk - the age-old strongholds of Vynnychuk - saw significant demonstrations as well however. In Kolodinsk some 50,000 people demonstrated, in Poltsebsk the Communist Party mobilized some 30,000 demonstrators. But in Mstsislavsk, the capital, between 250,000 and 300,000 people took to the streets. Ksenia Vynnychuk was with her husband, Svyataslau Kalejko, having dinner at their private residence just outside the capital when a personal bodyguard disturbed them to inform them of the unrest spreading in the country. Initially, Svyataslau harshly dismissed the guard. ''Get out of here and leave us. We are having dinner! I'm sure the police will restore order.'' But after dinner, as Ksenia, Svyataslau, and their son, Hrihory, were playing a boardgame, a more troubling message reached Ksenia. ''The numbers are too big, we cannot mobilize the required amount of troops to ensure security, says the security minister'', a bodyguard informed her. A couple of hours later, Ksenia received a phonecall from the Office of the President. ''The President has called for an emergency meeting of the Security Council. You are expected to attend within thirty minutes.'' A heavily armed escort provided by the UGB then took Ksenia and her own staff to the headquarters of the Ministry of Internal Affairs. Normally such meetings would take place in the presidential palace, but it was too dangerous that the demonstrators might get wind of it - which they might see as a sign of weakness. President Vynnychuk chaired the meeting officially, but the head of the UGB - Piotr Hrycuk - did all the talking as he informed the President, the Vice-President, the minister of Internal Affairs, minister of Defence, the joint chiefs of staff of the military, the police chief, and the minister of Justice of the recent developments. ''I believe the current situation will quickly spin out of control when the extremists among the demonstrators begin the notice that at this moment we do cannot mobilize the police force that is required to keep the situation under control. The moment they smell weakness, they shall hijack the unlawful demonstrations with the purpose of causing violence. Their goal is to force us to adopt repressive measures, which, due to lack of police numbers, will become a long and messy confrontation in our inner cities and will damage the reputation of the government in the eyes of neutral observers and international observers. It is of utmost importance that we quickly show strength towards the radicals.'' ''How can we do that if we lack police capacities at the moment?'', the minister of Internal Affairs asked. Piotr Hrycuk then turned his head and looked at the minister of defence. ''Send in the armoured divisions of the nearby military bases. With the use of armoured personnel carriers, to back up the police and the troops of the Internal Affairs ministry, we can clearly show the extremist agents among the crowds that we have all means ready to quickly break up their subversive actions.'' The president coughed and interrupted. ''I think the images of military vehicles in the streets will just as much damage our reputation both abroad and here. Calling in the military is also a sign of weakness.'' ''But the media have no permission to film them...'' said the Justice minister. ''Everyone carries a camera in this day and age...'' Ksenia remarked cynically. ''What if we withdraw? We pretend to tolerate these disturbances. Let the people express their anger, however misguided, and then they'll go home eventually. We'll find out who the ringleaders are sooner or later.'' Piotr Hrycuk was vehemently opposed to that. ''With all due respect, Vice-President, that will be interpreted by the extremists as a green light to begin a riot. They want a confrontation. It depends on our show of force whether they will attempt it or not.'' ''What if instead of using armoured vehicles, we try to intimidate the crowds with helicopters and jets flying over from the air force? They're hard to film with a telephone at night, but they'll send an even stronger message of how serious we are...'' an air force general suggested. After some more bickering, the president leaned forward again - with all his energy - and cut the gordian knot. ''The police has to keep its distance as much as possible, especially in Sierada and yagaila. Monitor to the crowds from the sky with military choppers, and fly over the squares a few times with a couple of jets. Then we wait and see what happens.'' Everyone was dismissed, and headed to their respective ministries and headquarters to coordinate the latest instructions. Vynnychuk, before vanishing again, briefly spoke to Ksenia in a corner. ''Pay good attention. You must realize we are at war. We have been for years. A cold war, but a war nevertheless. Never underestimate the number of enemies that we are facing, and their determination to bring down the government and wreck the country. And their determination to cut our heads off. A father must sometimes be cruel in order to protect his children.'' RE: The Fork in the Road - Nentsia - 06-29-2017 This is Channel1 Live with an exclusive interview with our President Aliaksei Vynnychuk.... Ksenia turned up the volume in her office at Sosnitskaya Street, not far from the Presidential palace. The demonstrators had been occupying the central squares in the country for three days now. They refused to leave, knowing that the authorities would never allow them to come back the next day for a new demonstration. So demonstrations had become a sit-in. In an attempt to create division among the moderate participants in the demonstrations, Vynnychuk had arranged an interview with the major tv channels in which he would announce a number of reforms. The media appearance was a surprise even to Ksenia however, and she had no idea what to expect. What Vynnychuk did not know however, was that it was already too late to begin a charm offensive. The demonstrators in the squares believed not a word of what he said, especially not after sending military aircraft over their heads. The military aircraft had sent a powerful message to the demonstrators indeed: they saw it as a confirmation of the illegitimacy of the regime. During the interview, Vynnychuk was at his most vulnerable. Although he managed to obscure his poor health, he still lacked energy. To the average viewer, he probably seemed completely out of touch with reality, rambling about how much he had done for working-class Nentsians and how he had brought stability and prosperity. Ksenia also noticed it wasn't a good interview, not because she could see how much her father had lost connection to reality - she hadn't got a better connection herself - but she saw a man who was simply tired. His answers were not to the point. He even seemed confused at some point. Vynnychuk assured the nation in the interview that the elections should indeed be more open and fairer, and that he intended to have better monitoring and international observations to ensure their integrity. He also promised harsher anti-corruption laws and independent investigative committees to prosecute corruption. During the interview, Ksenia received a phonecall from the UGB director Piotr Hrycuk. He requested a brief meeting with her. Ksenia told him to come to her office. An hour later, he had arrived and was sitting before her desk. The conversation was top secret, so everyone else was dismissed from the office. ''Mrs Vynnychuk... I have a lot of respect for you. Everyone has. But the current crisis is threatening the very foundations of the State. You hold the key to solving it. If you would... take a step back from politics, it would shatter the resistance movement. Their hatred of you, however misguided, is what unites them.'' Ksenia listened to the words of Piotr Hrycuk without moving a muscle in her face. In her eyes, she was talking to a traitor. ''If I must resign in order to appease a bunch of extremists camping in a square, then I'd be a poor leader. Imagine if my father would've had the same attitude. And you call yourself the director of the UGB, which is supposed to uphold order and security. You are a coward and weak. You are dismissed, and I assure you that you will be the first man to leave when I'm in charge.'' After that meeting, Ksenia picked up the phone to call her father. She congratulated him with the terrific interview. ''True patriots will recognize your good intentions for the country, and reconcile with you. Only the fundamental enemies of the state will now persist in their unlawful actions.'' After lavishing her father with compliments, she began to discuss with him the ''functioning'' of the UGB chief, Piotr Hrycuk. He should've seen this crisis coming, and he should've stopped the ring-leaders. He failed, and ought to be dismissed. ''I know a good man at the UGB, Ihar Kumieha. He is reliable. He could succeed Hrycuk immediately.'' It was surprisingly easy for Ksenia to convince her father to dismiss the security chief who had watched his back for decades. The president realized that by dismissing Hrycuk, he might even use it as PR to really show his intention to the opposition that he was going to reform the system. That night, as the crowds in the squares grew again, the presidency made the announcement that UGB chief Piotr Hrycuk had been dismissed and placed under arrest under suspicions of corruption and abuse of power. He had been replaced by Ihar Kumieha. RE: The Fork in the Road - Nentsia - 07-05-2017 We have not forgotten about the murder of Piotr Kohut! We have not forgotten how this Constitutional Court helped to rig the elections of 1578. We have not forgotten about Roman Tsikhin and Anzhela Vishnevskaya, members of the Election Comission that heroically defied the corrupt proceedings, and who have been in jail since 1577! We have not forgotten how Opposition leader Mikita Marcinkiewic was beaten into a coma by the riot police! We have not forgotten how the daughter of Oleg Zayats, editor of an opposition newspaper, was kidnapped! Enough is Enough. We want our country back! Vynnychuk: Resign! The protests had lasted for two weeks now. Instead of shrinking, they were only growing larger and larger. Especially in Sierada and Yagaila, massive crowds had set up permanent camps before the government buildings in public squares. People from various backgrounds saw that this was a powerful movement, and maybe, something would finally change. Many neutral observers began to take sides, and if they did, it was often against the government. Vynnychuk seemed old, weak, confused, and indecisive. His daughter and heir-apparent was corrupt and hated. As long as the demonstrations remained peaceful, they could count on the sympathy of the public. The media still refused to cover the events, only mentioning that ''extremists'' were continuing their ''occupation'' of public spaces. The situation was reaching a stalemate. The government had already promised reforms but refused to give anything more, the protesters demanded Vynnychuk's resignation, and the authorities were incapable of clearing the squares. Ksenia Vynnychuk was growing increasingly worried about the entire situation. If the government did not restore its authority soon, the regime might begin to lose its allies. People currently supporting Vynnychuk might defect and present themselves as the new saviours of the people. Ksenia was working in her office when her telephone on the secure line rang. She quickly picked it up. ''Yes?'' ''Mrs. Vynnychuk, the President has summoned you to his residence. A car is waiting.'' Ksenia knew that it was important, but she didn't know why she had been called by her father. The man had become very distant lately, and she wouldn't miss an opportunity to speak to him in person. Ksenia assembled her personal staff and descended to the underground tunnels of her office, leading to another building that was seemingly an unimportant administrative building. Nowadays it served as the secret exit of the Vice-President's office so that she could get away unseen. Surrounded by a group of bodyguards, some belonging to the UGB, others privately hired by Ksenia, and more others working for the Office of the President, Ksenia quickly vanished into a black car with a motorcade. An hour later, they reached a mansion, hidden in the ancient Turau forests that surrounded the capital. Ksenia was welcomed by the security adviser of Vynnychuk at his house. Vynnychuk's staff quickly guided her to the man's bedroom, where he was sitting on his bed in his pyjama's. The room was lavishly decorated with gold and paintings, the bed's sheets were made of silk, and the furniture was made of the finest wood. But Ksenia was shocked to find her father in such a poor condition. His head was completely bald. His skin was pale. He had lost weight. His eyes were lifeless. He couldn't even smile when he saw Ksenia. The doctors in the room left as Ksenia sat down next to her father. ''What is happening?'' ''Listen... Ksenia.'' The president then coughed a few times. ''I cannot... I do not have the energy required to steer the country. I'm giving you the keys. All decisions are now yours to make. I will be here to help you and give you advice. But I have a battle on my hands that is too demanding now. I need you as my co-captain.'' Ksenia listened to her father's shaky voice. This was it then. The old man was giving up his power. The old man was now a dying man. ''How long do you have left?'' The president was not responding to that question. ''How long?'' she then asked demandingly. Vynnychuk looked into her eyes. ''I am already living beyond my expected time.'' After some ten minutes, the President demanded everyone to leave him alone as he was tired and needed to rest. Ksenia left her father and was followed by his and her own entourage to her car that was waiting for her outside. ''Prepare the UGB sniper formations. I want them on the rooftops surrounding the square in the capital. I shall have order in my country. I shall not allow a bunch of indoctrinated students to ruin my father's work.'' Ksenia then entered her car, and was driven immediately to the Ministry of Defence. RE: The Fork in the Road - Nentsia - 07-30-2017 ''We, the People! We want - Our Country! Down with the Queen! Down with the Queen!'' chanted Vasyl Nazarenka in a megaphone, leader of the Nentsian Communist Party at the square that had been occupied for weeks now. It was a somewhat ironic sight that the leading man of the so-called ''fake opposition'', political parties that sort of criticized the system but always voted in support of the government, Vasyl Nazarenka was now speaking at the demonstrations in Nentsian. But he was welcome as an ally nevertheless: this was a broad, national movement, and it welcomed anyone to join them in the opposition against Vynnychuk. The movement had begun to organize itself: the demonstrations were initially started by underground networks of young activists, collectively known as Pahonia. As soon as their militants planned a series of demonstrations in the major cities of the country, the only remaining opposition party, the ''Endechya'' (referring to National-Democratic Party), mobilized its cadres to help fill up the streets. A digital campaign was quickly set up on social media by underground hackers' collectives to quickly spread the news of the protests, but above all, spreading the news that fuelled the anger among the population: Ksenia Vynnychuk's appointment as vice-president. While the authorities tried to cover up negative news and remained silent on tv about the protest marches, young Nentsian social media agitators spread the fire of revolution. Only this time, even the parents followed their children to the squares to demonstrate against the endemic corruption, and the looming threat of Aliaksei Vynnychuk handing over the country to his daughter behind the population's back. The people realized that this was a step too far. Before long, many people joined the bandwagon, expressing their resentment over a wide number of issues and problems. But everyone shared the same conclusion: the current government is no longer fit to adress the problems of the country. Time for change. Vasyl Nazarenka smelled his chance now that the government seemed weak and the demonstrators seemed to hold firm for once. He casually began to show sympathy for the movement and expressed criticism at the government, before finally calling for a ''Revolyutsiya'' and making demands for ''popular sovereignty'' and ''economic justice''. The standoff between the authorities and the population in the cities however, was beginning to work in favor of the regime. Ksenia Vynnychuk was now de facto in charge of the country as her father had given her the keys, while battling cancer himself. She at first saw the demonstrations as a major threat, but was now getting used to the nation's main squares being occupied. Vynnychuk didn't hide herself, and visited classical ballet performances, attended a reception party by the Severyanian ambassador, and gave a speech at a business conference organized by the largest export companies of Nentsia. In the meantime, the UGB, the security service, was working round the clock to find out which persons were attending the demonstrations. They had installed radio equipment in the buildings surrounding the squares, and drove around with mobile electronic units - black minivans in which antennae, radio's and interceptors were placed to intercept all telephone calls in the squares. The intercepted telephone numbers were quickly connected to persons through the databases of telecommunication companies. Companies whose employees hadn't showed up for several weeks were instructed to fire these absentees, because their recent absence was an indication they were among the protesters. The internet and social media were also closely monitored by UGB agents, and they even hired hackers to disrupt websites, and they searched through intercepted internet traffic. When crucial leaders and organizers of the movement had been exposed, UGB agents threatened to arrest or murder their families. Others who had attended the demonstrations but had gone home eventually, were reportedly kidnapped by the UGB for several days, only to return with black and blue faces. It all served the purpose of identifying the enemies the state, then isolating them, and then using whatever means was necessary to ''demoralize'' the target. The demonstration leaders knew that time was not on their side. Something had to happen. It was therefore that they welcomed Vasyl Nazarenka to their movement, and gave him a stage. He was a symbol, saying to the allies of the Vynnychuk regime: look at Nazarenka; you can now still defect to our side, and become the hero... The Opposition knew the tricks of the UGB, of undermining and sabotage. And they practised the same strategy against the regime: fuel division, increase its weakness. RE: The Fork in the Road - Nentsia - 11-10-2017 1585 Ksenia Vynnychuk gazed at her father's tired, pale face. He seemed asleep, but she knew he wasn't. She held his hand, but it was slowly turning colder. Her husband, Svyataslau, put an arm around her as she tried to fight the tears. Aliaksei Vynnychuk had died earlier that evening after his struggle with cancer. The man who had governed Nentsia since 1558 had now died at age 78. Ksenia had never felt so alone before. She stood now before the daunting task of leading the country and restoring order. But she felt that she was increasingly fighting for the survival of her family and her own life. There was an angry mob out there in the streets that demanded her head. God knows what might happen to her husband and child if they succeeded. Elsewhere in the country, more political figures were joining the opposition movement in the squares. Zhenya Kostiuk had now joined the people in the squares together with his far-right hooligans. Back in the 1570's, Kostiuk was an agent of the UGB, who ran for political office with the goal of attracting the far-right vote in favor of the regime. Now money wasn't enough anymore. Kostiuk, always a lose canon, was now looking after his own political interests. Taras Polatski, another one of Vynnychuk's ploys, also joined the opposition movement. Vynnychuk's Potemkin system was unravelling: the myriad of fake political parties, fake associations, were now rapidly defecting to the opposition and began to resemble real political parties, with real political views, real members, and real ambitions. The people in the squares had no knowledge yet of the death of the hated president, but they would surely welcome it as a victory. Ksenia Vynnychuk was terrified that the news would reach the public. She feared that if the masses would learn of her father's death, it would embolden them to resort to violent revolution. Ihar Kumieha, the Director General of the UGB - the security service - warned Ksenia that division was spreading among the lower police ranks, with officers sympathizing with the people in the streets. Some police officers had in fact joined the crowds. Elsewhere in the capital, the leaders of the National Democratic Party were negotiating on the telephone with leading figures of the Hramada Party, the ruling party that controlled the Rada, the legislature. Its leading figure, Kostya Lukyanenko - considered a Vynnychuk loyalist - was willing to negotiate with the leaders of the opposition, hoping to drive a wedge between moderates and radicals. But he was also negotiating with them out of pure self-preservation. By maintaining contact with the opposition leaders, he could get a sense of what they were up to, how well-organized they were, and keep an eye on where this whole situation was heading to. Lukyanenko too was nervously looking for the emergency exit doors. ''Listen. Nobody wants this to escalate. Ksenia Vynnychuk is a reasonable woman, I've met her. I need you to be reasonable too. Aliaksei will pass on his power to her. With her we could try to work out a government of national unity.'' Lukyanenko said on the phone from his estate, just outside the capital. Vladislav Kholodinsky, calling from an apartment in central Mstsislavsk - and surrounded by representatives from all involved oppositionist forces - yelled back at the Hramada leader. ''You still don't get it. Ksenia must go. This is not negotiable to us. There must be free and fair presidential elections. To hell with the Vynnychuks! Convince them to take the next plane to Severyane or something. I am warning you that time is running out for them!'' While the politicians were bickering, the Vynnychuk's were mourning, the Minister of Defence Ruslan Tsimashenka was taking matters into his own hands. The UGB reports that the police forces were falling apart slowly frightened him so much that he had ordered the military troops nearby the capital to mobilize and to advance on the capital. They had to stand ready to take over law-enforcement from the police if they would lose their capacity to effectively maintain control over the government quarters in the capital. Ihar Kumieha, the UGB chief, instructed his border guards to close the Nentsian borders. Throughout the country, UGB agents and paramilitary troops from the Ministry of Internal Affairs (MVD) rounded up the families of identified opposition leaders - and above all their supporting staff. Zhenya Kostiuk's family was the first that night to be kidnapped and taken hostage by the secret police after they learned of his defection. Kostiuk's brother, two cousins, and a couple of friends had been taken to a remote police station where they were viciously tortured. They could not find Kostiuk's wife however. Kholodinsky's brother had been kidnapped weeks ago. He was shot dead in prison that night. After midnight, a telephone call from the National Security Chief Artsyom Ramanyuk finally reached Vice-President Ksenia Vynnychuk, who had been difficult to reach all day. ''Vice-President. I have received information that the military is preparing to take over the capital if police forces are routing. You must give the permission...'' Ksenia stared at Aliaksei Vynnychuk's dead body lying on his bed while thinking about her next move. ''You have permission. Secure the capital by all means necessary.'' ''...Understood.''