Svobodna Dnevnik

[Hadash]

El Correo Internacional

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Hôinôm: Legislative elections announced
By: Bruno Wong
Published: Fein 1581


A protest of textile workers in Nam Dhin, demanding a raise of the minimum wage. Prime Minister Bûi Quang An's government established a national minimum wage in late 1579 for first time, currently set at $1 per hour  | Marth 1581, Châu Thi Quỳ ©

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Prime Minister Bûi Quang An announced that legislative elections will be held on Septem 28, he confirmed in an address to the Imperial Council. It will be the first elections in thirty years, and many hope they will open the door for important political and constitutional reforms.

Empress Hông, in power since 1568, has promised that she will propose the National Assembly to draft a "Bill of Rights", which is expected to improve rule of law and constitutional rights in the Ostaran nation.

However, many are skeptical about the changes that the new parliament may bring, as the elections are short of democratic standards, many expert and analysts agree. Kim Công Dùc, a lawyer from Quang Bai who has announced he will run as candidate in a nothern district of his home town, has criticized the government for the shortcomings of the electoral law. "The districts were designed with a lack of transparency and through arbitrary reasons", Dùc has denounced. He has also criticized that the Electoral Commission does not seem to take very seriously the problems of electoral fraud and polling infraestructure in a country without much experience in organizing elections. "Much of the initiative is left to the Governors, which are directly appointed by the government", Dùc says.

A second problem is the electoral law, which is outdated and absurd, Kim Công Dùc complains. The electoral law is based in a 1520 law, which limit suffrage to male property and law owners and members of the ancient nobility, who were given a 1/3 of the seats. Prime Minister Bûi Quang An promised to reform and modernize that law in consesus with the consultive Imperial Council, but most of his proposals were rejected. Some minor changes were finally allowed, and women suffrage will not be restricted de jure, all tax payers will be granted right to vote along land owners, and the number of parliamentary seats granted to the 15 ancient nobility families (about 350.000 citizens of 59 million population) will be reduced to 55 seats barely a 1/4 of the total seats. Those with criminal records will not be allowed to stand as independent candidates, which will actually exclude many opposition and human rights activists.

The representatives for the National Assembly, which will be called for first time since the failed revolution of 1549, will be elected in 222 constituencies, through a first-past-the-post electoral system. Prime Minister Bûi Quang An promised a free and fair elections without the interference of the government. However, the restrictions on campaigning (no electoral events are allowed before the two weeks before the elections), the limited pluralism in the media, and the fact that political parties are still banned in the country, raise serious doubt about such claim.

It is not expected that the legislative elections will have a radical impact on the policies of the government. The Imperial Cabinet will retain the power to block any law with deals with constitutional reform, the legal code, and budget policy, and the Prime Minister would still be directly appointed by the Empress who, as head of state, would retain almost semi-absolute powers. However, many expect that the parliament could accelerate some needed reforms, improve check and balances, and increase political pluralism. Others are not so inspired about the role of the National Assembly. The illegal Nationalist Party, the oldest political party in Hôinôm, has denounced the legislative elections as a sham, and called for the active boycott of the elections.

Some of the supporters of the government, however, note that Prime Minister Bûi Quang An's choice of pushing for legislative elections was not a decision without risks, and it is unclear if it will increase the legitimacy of the government agenda or rather strengthen their opponents. They argue that some of Prime Minister Bûi Quang An's reforms have not only solved the political crisis that there were threaten the country two years ago, when he was appointed Prime Minister, but opening new chances for reform, through reducing censorship, opening dialogue with civil society, education and administrative reform, and further liberalizing the national economy along some minor welfare policies.