The Summer of the Thousands Flowers

[Hadash]

Background

The Keszarian political system entered in crisis only after a decade after the transition to democracy. This allowed libertarian businessman Nándor Dohnányi-Persbrandt to be elected president as an independent candidate in 1574. However, the 1576 financial crisis damaged considerably the popularity and stability of his government, with anti-establisment parties such as the far-right National People’s Party and the Communist Party gaining support in the next elections.

Álmos Vaszary, who was President of the Keszarian Republic from 1569 to 1574, was considered the forerunner in the 1579 presidential election, aiming to become the first democratic president to be elected twice in Keszarian history, as Keszarian constitution does not allow the president to serve two consecutive terms, but it does not establish a limitation of terms. However, Vaszary was surprisingly defeated by Géza Békésy, elected vice-president as a Civic Democratic Party candidate in 1574, and who had served as minister during Vaszary’s presidency. Álmos Vaszary was the most voted candidate in the first round, but Békésy was able to defeat his former party leader in a close campaign.

Békésy’s first term was successful but contradictory: he was a popular president, gaining support from both business circles and the main media groups; his economic policy was considered heterodox but his government was helped by a fast recovery from the financial crisis; on foreign policy, he was seen as openly populist and pragmatist at times, with a more strongly anti-Carpathian rhetoric while strengthening the alliances of Keszaria on the region. Békésy founded his own political party, the Keszarian Liberal Movement, which became the dominant political party while the opposition remained divided with the National People’s Party becoming the second most voted political party in the 1582 and 1586 parliamentary election.

Békésy’s attitude to their radical right political rivals could be either cynical or pragmatist: gaining their support in exchange of a few consessions (such as granting rights to ethnic Keszarians living in Carpathia), or presenting himself as the only alternative to the extremist National People’s Party. Békésy found an unlikely ally in Gyöngy Székély, who was elected vice-president as National People’s Party in 1579 (president and vicepresident are elected in simultaneous but separated vote). Several months before the 1584 election, Székély would leave the National People’s Party and founded her own political party, the National Democratic Party, causing a split in the far-right party.
She would be appointed Minister of Foreign Affairs in 1584, and one year later, the National Democratic Party integrated into the Keszarian Liberal Movement.

In 1584, Béla Kertész, the candidate of the Keszarian Liberal Movement, was elected president. Kertész, a veteran politician, former member of the conservative Messanic Democratic Party who joined Békésy’s movement in early 1580. He was considered a more predictable politician although more conservative-leaning than Békésy, specially in social and religious issues. The government’s policies barely changed compared to Békésy’s presidency, except that the Sentric Church became more supportive to the government.

Géza Békezy, however, remained as president of the Keszarian Liberal Movement, although a honorary title, was considered to have a considerable influence on the national government. In 1587, Békézy was elected senator for Mágaszházý province, and his political role became more evident, often shadowing the president himself.

Géza Békésy won the 1589 presidential election in a landslide, becoming the second president -after Árpad Ormandy in 1559- to win the election without a need of a second round. During his second term, the Keszarian Liberal Movement’s dominance on all aspects of civil life became more obvious, with most all critical media either disappearing or being bought by businessmen close to the government, which gained more a more influence and power. In 1590, after the Keszarian Liberal Movement won the legislative election by a landslide, getting 204 of 299 Mps, the parliament enacted constitution changes, centralizing legislative and executive power, establishing the election president and vice-president in a single-ticket, and weakening the constitutional court and the judiciary system. Human rights organization alleged that his reforms curbed civil liberties and restricted freedom of speech, while his critics denounced him as “authoritarian leader”, who was even turning the country slowly into a “personal dictatorship”.

After 15 years of Keszarian Liberal Movement rule, the longest party rule since the end of communism in Keszaria, the 1594 presidential election was considered key for the survival of Keszarian democracy, which some people considered pretty much dead already. However, it was unlikely to be expected another result that a third presidential win for Géza Békésy, who did not seem to face a serious rival the months previous to the election.

The day of the election, on late Alvan,  international observers found that although all competitors had access to the media, Békésy was given clear prominence. Strict candidate requirements, established only a few months before the election, also limited “genuine competition”, a Nylander NGO declared. Observers from the Hejdar Union concluded that voting on the day of the election was assessed positively overall, but the “process deteriorated during the vote count which was assessed negatively in almost two-fifth of polling stations observed due to procedural irregularities. Allegations were made as well that Békésy supporters had been driven around in coaches in order to vote for him in multiple constituencies. These practices wre documented by video monitoring systems installed on most voting stations.

Notwithstanding those claims, Géza Békésy was announced the winner of the election with a 56.1% percent of the vote, therefore not requiring a second round. Dorko Vörösz, the candidate of the Civic Democratic Party was second with 19.8%, while Árpád Meggyesfalvi, an independent candidate, was third at 14.2%, while Istzám Esterházy, the leader of the far-right National People’s Party obtained only 8.9%, the worst result in two decades.

Most of the opposition did not acknowledge the results of the election, and protests followed. On Alvan 27, approximately 12,000-18,000 protesters demonstrated in Köszövár. There were again more protests on inauguration day one month later, with estimated 15,000-20,000 protesters taking part only in the capital city. 500 arrests were made that night and another 200 arrests the following day.

The protests were not successful, but they seemed to have created the roots for a change in society. The next months witnessed an increase in activism, with people joining political organizations and the creation of a small online media outside the control of the government. Leaks about corruption by the ruling party further plumbered the popularity of the government just a few months before the 1594 legislative elections to be held on Ochtyr.

The Civic Democratic Party held talks with other political parties, and they agreed to come to the election on a joint electoral list, which would be named as the Democratic Alliance for Keszaria. Only the National People’s Party, the Communist Party and, obviously, the ruling Keszarian Liberal Movement, of all the elected political party at both local and national level, did not join the new opposition coalition. The opposition seemed to gain momentum, reducing the gap with Békésy’s party from 49-14% to 42-31% in the last polls.

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Day 1

Protests began on the eve of the parliamentary election, held on Ochtyr 24, as the official count differed markedly from exit polls result which gave the Keszarian Liberal Movement only a 3% lead, while official results gave the election win to the ruling party by 18%. Civic Democratic Party officials publicised evidence of many incidents of alleged electoral fraud of the Keszarian Liberal Movement, witnessed by local and foreign observers, which were reinforced by similar claims during the Alvan presidential election.

Szabina Kecskeméti, candidate and speaker of the Democratic Alliance, openly called for protest on the  dawn of election day, when allegations of fraud began to spread in the form of leaflets printed and distributed by the Messanic Youth, a small opposition group, announcing that the Keszarian Liberal Movement had lost its majority in the parliament on the basic of its exit poll.

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Day 2

Protests started started in cities across Keszaria, the largest, in Köszövár, attracted at least 50,000 participants, who peacefully marched in front of the headquarters of the Keszarian Liberal Movement, ending the demonstration in front of the National Assembly, the Keszarian parliament.

The local council of Vízdél, the only main city where the Keszarian Liberal Movement lacked a majority in the local assembly, passed a symbolical refusal to accept the legitimacy of the official election results. A demonstration was called that day by the Civic Democratic Party in Vízdél, which attracted at least 20,000 participants.

In a interview on national television, Vice-President Deszö Kerekes denounce such moves as a “political provocation” and “urged the opposition to accept the democratic results of the legislative elections”.

[Hadash]

Day 3

In Vízdél, protesters were dispersed violently by the Keszarian police. This was only partially successful, as the opposition called another protests on the evening which gathered -according the opposition own estimates- more than 50,000 people. On the night of Ochtyr 26 at midnight, armed with batons, stun grenades and tear gas, police attacked and dispersed all protesters from the center. The police attacked not only the protestors but also other civilians, even severely harming a 11-year old girl. More than 57 people were reportedly injured,while more than 200 hundred people were arrested only in Vízdél. Some activists found protection in Sentric churches nearby.

The Ministry of Internal Affairs justified the police raid by accused them of throwing stone and burning cars, which the opposition called a lie. In an official statement, Vízdél local government confirmed that 20 people were hospitalized, and 6 policemen were also injured.


Day 4

A large demonstration in Köszövár witnessed, according to some estimated, at least 100,000 marching peacefully. Oppostion candidate Szabina Kecskeméti called for the immediate resignation of the Minister of Internal Affair and a judiciary investigation about police violence the previous day in Vízdél.

That evening, National Election Commission officially certified the Keszarian Liberal Movement as the winner of the legislative election, with 42.9% of the vote, and 160 of 299 MPs, a figure slightly lower than the official result three days ago and making Békésy’s party to lose his 2/3 majority, but nevertheless giving a clear majority in the Lower House.

Lázár Kádár, chairman of the Civic Democratic Party, spoke to supporters in Szabadság Square, urguing them to begin a series of mass protests with the intent to force the government to concede defeat.

[Ayzek]

On the evening of the forth day, Géza Békésy received a phone call from the Lanlanian embassy. The Holy Lanlanian Empire had, of course, an invested interest in the Keszarian Republic and had been monitoring the fledgling democracy since its foundation. Both Imperial observers and their handlers in Halvadag had been quite distraught with the events unfolding in the Republic over the last two decades, their concerns only made worse by this year's elections. The Empire needed a stable partner in Keszaria, after all, and one held together by force and flawed elections was not such a Keszaria.

The reasons were obvious. Corruption made Keszaria volatile--and the consequences of that were already taking shape in Koszovar. Such a Keszaria was dangerous. The Empire had enough of a headache with a feisty Strathae, it did not need an unstable Keszaria also triggering the Allied States's sensitive reactions.

"President Békésy!" the ambassador began, when the Keszarian President answered. Invar Jarlssen had been the Imperial ambassador to Keszaria for over a decade now. It wouldn't be his first phone call with the Keszarian President. He also made sure to maintain a professional relationship, despite being taken with Keszarian culture and cuisine. Jarlssen's Keszarian was fluent. "I trust I find you well?"

Jarlssen did not wait for an answer. "Mr. Békésy, I don't mean to sound like a broken record, but I am afraid that Halvadag is pressuring me to repeat myself." The Empire pressed the Keszarian government for answers every time its observers reported significant violations of appropriate election procedure, and it had certainly asked many questions when Békésy's supporters were caught on video going from polling station to polling station. "The Empire is quite concerned with the situation unfolding in Keszaria.

"Mr. Rithlund has expressed great frustration with the continued violations of fair election procedures being reported in Keszaria, though respects that progress has been made since previous elections. I must agree with him, Mr. Békésy. It is regrettable, but not a surprise, that the consistent reports of violations have undermined Keszarian's confidence in their nation's electoral process to this point.

"Halvadag has urged me to convey it wishes to see a civil resolution to this matter, as well as its hope to see a strong, democratic Keszaria. The empire is ready to help in that pursuit."

[Hadash]

Day 5

President Géza Békésy was highly annoyed by the limited but increasing pressure by the Lanlanian government, but still he saw not reason to change the plans. He was still convinced that the protest movement won't last long, as the opposition was too divided, by either ideological and personal differences, and most people would get tired and return home. Although many in the government and ruling party were concerned about the situation, the authority of Békésy in the Keszarian Liberal Movement was never questioned.

That evening, the Keszarian Senate, the Upper House of the parliament, where the Keszarian Liberal Movement held a 59 of 100 majority, passed a resolution that strongly condemned the opposition actions, and called protesters to accept the official results.


Day 6

Meanwhile, protests spread around Keszaria.

The Keszarian Communist Party, although it had denounced irregularities in the legislative election and many of their members attended demonstrations the days before, officially joins protests for the first time. However, their members seemed divided after Béla Sólyom, former General Secretary of the Communist Party of Keszaria from 1547 and 1555, had expressed public support for Géza Békésy in an interview the day before, warning about the dangers of “mass civil disobedience” against the state. Athough Sólyom, aged 92, was not officially a member of the party, he remained somewhat respected between their members as one of the last political leaders from the communist years still alive.

At the evening, Lázár Kádár, the leader of the Civic Democratic Party, announced that the Democratic Alliance and student organizations supporting the protests had agreed to call a 3-day general strike, starting next week, in order to demand the government an answer regarding the alleged electoral fraud.


Day 7

Protests continued to increase both in the provinces and main cities.

In the town of Teszrévyhaza, it was reported that Keszarian investigative journalist Nadia Castaneanu had disappeared. Castaneanu, an ethnic Carpathian, was well-known in the region as journalist critical with Békésy’s government, who had exposed a few corruption scandals by local politicians in the last years.


Day 8

The first day of general strike had only a limited success, as the number of protestors in Köszövár and Vízdél kept increasing. However, the general strike was a success in high school and the main universities, where the activity was almost paralyzed. Many students and joined people started to join the protests. Youth political participation was often low in Keszaria, with no such political participation by students witnessed since the last days of the communist regime.


Day 9

The participation in the provinces and smaller town seemed to decrease, while more than 100,000 were reportedly marched in Vízdél. The general strike, in its second day, showed a relative success compared the previous day, as professional unions -considered apolitical and even pro-government in recent years- joined the protests.

That evening, in the town of Újnagyváros, Minister Ákos Meszárös was forced to left an event in the Keszarian Society of History, a cultural organization, after being booed and scolded by assistants and a group of student who interrupted the event.

[Hadash]

Day 10

Economic activity slightly recovered in the third general strike day, although protests increased around the country. That evening, when a march of protestors approached the avenue which leads to the Presidential residency in Köszövár, Keszarian police, armed with batons, stun grenades, and tear gas, attacked and dispersed all protesters and arrested 200 of them.

A day later, it was reported that a 24 year old student had died from a fatal ashtma attack after Keszarian police dispersed the crowd.


Day 11

Government spokesperson Jenö Pitzkeam apologized for the death of the young student and promised a thorough investigation. The opposition demanded the resignation of the Minister of Internal Affairs and chairman of the Keszarian police forces in Köszövár.


Day 12

The day before, the Vízdél Administrative Court banned protests in the central district the next day as it was a local holiday. However, the student organization Szabag called for a demonstration against the local headquarters of the Keszarian Liberal Movement anyway. During the demonstration, a small group of protestors threw stones at the local government council, broking several windows. When they arrived the Keszarian Liberal Movement headquarters, the police was already waiting, almost completely surrounding the main square. A group of protestors tried to approach the square, but they were attacked by the Keszarian police.

Thirty minutes later, some protestors threw bricks and stones at the Keszarian police. A speaker of the Szabag group declared that the attackers were "paid provocateurs" and that the demonstration was a peaceful one. In any case, the Keszarian police launched another attack against the protestors. It was reported that Keszarian police attacked both protestors and civilians who were simply in their way. Fighting lasted for at least two hours.

At midnight, a group of protestors broke the doors and occupied the city building council. Keszarian police tried to enter the building in order to clear it, while other protestors threw stones at them. Keszarian police responded by deploying tear gas and making random attacks at the crowd. Most of the nearby streets had been blocked by the police, so ambulances were not allowed to attend most of the injured people.

The next day, a government spokesperson recognized that 24 people -including two policemen- had died in Vízdél that night.


Day 13

A large demonstration was called in Köszövár and other cities. Only in Köszövár at least 100,000 protesters marched on the streets (220,000 according the opposition). Now, protestors called for Géza Békésy resignation, not only an official recount of the legislative election. Protestors built an improvised camp in Szuverén square, nearby the parliamentary building. At midnight, the chief of the police in Köszövár  issued a public warning to protesters to clear Szuverén square within two hours, threatening to "use all legal means to bring order in the streets", but after some clashing between police and a small group of protestors, police was unable to advance through the big crowd and it was forced to retreat.

Day 14

On the early morning, where there were only a few thousands of protesters in Szuverén square and nearby streets, Keszarian police advanced toward the area with guns, a water cannon, an even an armored personnel carrier. Police started to beat protesters even before arriving Szuverén square. Tents housing protesters were burning on the main square. The police justified their actions claiming that many protestors were illegally armed. Szabina Kecskeméti, an opposition lawmaker, called on the police to retreat 300 meters from the square and urged both sides to call a 24 hour truce. Protesters on the square stacked tires to create a wall of fire between themselves and security forces.

At 12:00, Keszarian police had broken through the protesters barricades on the northern side of the square. Officers then tried to clear the square but failed again. Vice-president
Deszö Kerekes said that negotiations between the government and the opposition would only happen once peace was restored and the crowds restreated, warning that the contrary could not be considered other thing that "calling for an armed conflict between violent mob and the Keszarian state". Government spokesperson Jenö Pitzkeam also declared that "organizers will be held accountable...we will demand the heaviest punishment both for those people who took part in violent actions and for those who organized and controlled them".

A large demonstration was held in Vízdél that evening, in which Keszarian police was forced to retreat after some protestors launched stone at them. At midnight, a group protestors took the central opera house -which was owned by a businessman considered close to the Keszarian Liberal Movement- and declared the building "headquarters of the sovereign Keszarian people". At midnight, Keszarian police attempted to clear Szuverén square in Köszövar, but they failed again to do so.

[Hadash]

Day 15

There were rumours that the police may attempt to clear the square once again early in the morning. However, the police was given the order to retreat. Opposition claimed that 200,000 joined the protests that afternoon.

It was reported that morning that Nadia Castaneanu had been murdered and beheaded, after her head was found nearby a forest, six miles from her own home.


Day 16

The Democratic Alliance announced, after talks with student organizations and other opposition organizations, the creation of the “National Committee of Democratic Restoration”, aimed to coordinate actions and proposals toward the “restoration of democracy and rule of law”, as they described it, in Keszaria.

Late in the morning, the National Committee of Democratic Restoration issued a statement in which they blamed  President Géza Békésy for the violence and deaths in recent days, and demanded his resignation. The statement was received with a huge applause in Szuverén square. The government denounced the creation of the National Committe of Democratic Restoration as an attempt to “usurp the power of the legitimate government of Keszaria”, and threatened with legal actions against anyone who joined it.


Day 17

The session in the Vízdél city council was interrupted, with Keszarian Liberal Movement deputies -including the mayor- forced to leave and escape from the backdoor. Álmos Bakó, a young opposition activist, who became one of the most active and popular leader of the protests in Vízdél, proposed a “March to Köszövár”, in which thousands of protestors will march from Vízdél to the capital city, Köszövár, collecting signatures demanding either the resignation of President Géza Békésy or his impeachment by Keszarian parliament in their way to the capital.

It was reported by local media in Köszövár that former and current members of the Keszarian armed forces have joined the rallies against the government for first time since protests started.


Day 18

Former candidates from the Keszarian Liberal Movement, including Judith Bátory, who was Minister of Education from 1582 to 1587, signed an open letter asking for a repetition of the elections as a way to solve the present crisis.

Martin Grosz, mayor of Köszövár, announced he was willing to meet with representative of the protesters, in order to explore a peaceful end to the situation, becoming the first Keszarian Liberal Movement to meet with memberes of the opposition since the beginning of the protests.

The National Committee of Democratic Restoration accepted Grosz’s proposal, despite they had demanded his resignation two days before. The meeting was going to be held that evening in the Ministry of Agriculture. Before meeting the opposition, it was reported that Grosz met with Vice-president Deszö Kerekes in a meeting which lasted at least two hours.

Lázár Kádár, the leader of the Democratic Alliance, and businessman Árpád Meggyesfalvi, who had joined the National Committee of Democratic Restoration, finally met mayor Martin Grosz that evening in the ministry building. The meeting lasted only about twenty-minutes, and failed to achieve anything, as Martin Grosz walked out of it and accused the opposition of blackmail and denouncing the Democratic Alliance of plotting a cynical attempt to overthrow the government through a “pseudo-constitutional coup d’etat”.

Lázár Kádár declared to the media, who were waiting in front of the ministry building, that he was “dissapointed” but that the meeting showed “that the Keszarian Liberal Movement” has no interest in the truth or to correct their wrongdoing”, and therefore they must “leave power immediately”. As he finished his conversation with the media, which included many foreign reporteres, Lázár led a group of supporters from the Ministry of Agriculture to the Szuverén square to decide new actions, as the next day it was expected that the national parliament would hold its firs session after the elections.

It was expected that the National Committee of Democratic Restoration was going to announce their boycott of the inauguration of the National Assembly the next day. However, Lázár and Árpád Meggyesfalvi were stopped by the police nearby Szuverén square. Keszarian police then threw stun grenades to the protesters who went marching along Lázár and Meggyesfalvi, arresting them, followed by mass detentions of protesters in Szuverén square, including several opposition lawmakers and two members of the National Committee of Democratic Restoration.

Before midnight, at least 400 protesters had been arrested. Keszarian police issued a statement saying that Lázár and other opposition lawmakers had been detained for 72 hours and criminal charges may only be brought against them if the National Assembly strips them of their parliamentary immunity.

[Hadash]

Day 19

Lázár Kádár was released at 10:00 – it was claimed as consequence of pressure by Lanlanian government, although that claim was denied by Keszarian authorities. Kádár went directly to Szuverén square, where he spoke briefly, declaring that the Keszarian Liberal Movement has no right to hold power in Keszaria, Then he met with other members of the Democratic Alliance and representatives of the National Committee of Democratic Restoration. Other opposition leaders and activists detained the day before were not released, however, as Árpád Meggyesfalvi, who unlike Kádár, had no parliamentary immunity as he was not an officially elected member of the parliament yet.

At 12:00, President Géza Békésy was expected to open the new session of the Keszarian parliament. The session had been called illegitimate by the opposition parties the day before, so it was expected that opposition lawmakers, at least those  from the Democratic Alliance coalition, were going to boycott it. However, Lázár Kádár marched with the rest of Democratic Alliance members toward the parliament. Once there, they refused to enter and sit down in their seats, staying in the hall of the parliament, while inside, mostly only Keszarian Liberal Movement MPs were listening Békésy’s speech.

In the middle of President Békésy’s speech, opposition lawmakers suddenly entered into the chamber while singing loudly the national anthem, interrupting President Géza Békésy’s speech and forcing him to escape with his bodyguards.

The incumbent Speaker of the Assembly, Gyöngy Székély, declared suspended the session for 48 hours. However, the rest of members of the National Assembly did not leave the chamber. Lázár Kádár proposed instead that Dorko Vörösz, a Democratic Alliance and Civic Democratic Party candidate in the 1594 presidential election, be elected as new Speaker of the Assembly. About fifteen minutes later, Dorko Vörösz took a symbolic oath as Speaker of the Assembly. This “unofficial oath” had no any legal effect, as not only it did not follow the standard procedure and that it was taken in a half-empty parliamentary chamber lacking the required quorum as most of the Keszarian Liberal Movement lawmakers had left the parliament, but the opposition Democratic Alliance had only one third of parliamentary seats in the official legislative results, four of them absent as they had been arrested the previous night.

As “unofficial Speaker”,  Dorko Vörösz proposed a resolution demanding the government to release all protesters arrested since the protests, and declared if the Keszarian Senate -where the Keszarian Liberal Movement held a majoirty- was not willing to start an official committee about the alleged fraud of the last legislative elections, then the National Assembly would start an impeachment against President Géza Békésy. Then she declared closed the session of the parliament until next day.

Vörösz, Kádár, and the rest of Democratic Alliance lawmakers came back to the Szuverén square, where they were received as heroes by thousands of supporters. Kádár called for renewed protests the next day, openly demanding President Géza Békésy resignation.

A few hours later, back in his presidential residence, President Géza Békésy addressed the nation in a television address, denouncing that the opposition had attempted a coup d’etat against the National Assembly and the Keszarian government, but that he was willing to defend Keszarian constitutional from the mob and conspirators such as Lázár Kádár, whom Békésy openly labelled as “an evident traitor to the Keszarian nation”. President Békésy ended his speech declaring a state of emergency until the peace was restored.

It was rumoured that President Békésy had ordered to mobilize troops and police near his residence in Köszövár, and a crackdown against the protesters and the opposition was imminent. Despite this, protests continued that evening, with protesters taking the streets to block the road to Köszövár national airport.

[Ayzek]

Day 16
The Holy Lanlanian Empire had been interested in the "Keszarian crisis" since the beginning. Such a democratic crisis on the empire's border, while also in the geopolitical hotzone surrounding the Allied States, was of significant interest to Imperial reporters and subjects alike, especially since it involved an Imperial cousin. Reporters had been constantly questioning Imperial officials on the Empire's reactions to the crisis, which the officials largely dodged or deflected. That changed once the situation showed no signs of slowing down and instead seemed to be heating up.

Of course, the higher echelons of Imperial government remained silent. But on the 16th day, hours after the National Committee of Democratic Restoration demanded President Bekesy's resignation, the first signs that the empire may not support the Keszarian government unconditionally spouted in Azreae. When questioned on Keszaria following an unrelated routine press conference, rather than avoiding the issue, a spokesperson for the Azreaen Prime Minister answered, "the Azreaen government is, of course, dismayed at the developing situation in the Republic of Keszaria. We are disappointed in President Békésy and the Liberal Movement for their consistent tolerance of convenient electoral fraud and their inaction in the face of growing electoral corruption over Keszaria's recent elections."

Asked what action the Azreaen government intended on taking, the spokesperson answered, "the Republic of Keszaria is a sovereign state and we will respect that. But while this crisis is between Keszarians and must be solved by Keszarians, Azreae is not without options. Until we feel that Keszaria's administration has made progress in its election security, Azreae will no longer contribute to development projects in Keszaria and will be recommending that the Pythian Sea Economic Council take a similar stance at the next meeting. Additionally, we are suspending arms and law enforcement goods sales to Keszaria."

While the Azrean government was not the Imperial government, it didn't act entirely independently either. Azreae's actions were most likely a result of Halvadag's efforts to increase the pressure on Bekesy's administration without having to take direct action itself. While the empire could tolerate election corrupt provided Keszaria remained stable, over one million protestors--not far from 5% of Keszaria's population--rocking the nation was not the sign of a stable state.


Day 19
On the 19th, the Imperial ambassador to Keszaria again gave the President a phone call. He urged Bekesy to find a peaceful resolution to the crisis. That ethnic Keszarians in the empire were calling their representatives and urging them to "do something" and members of the Imperial riksdag were passing their frustrations onto the Prime Minister. Indeed, apparently some members of the Prime Minister's Social Democratic Party were threatening to withdraw funding and support from Keszaria should the situation worsen. Against the Prime Minister's wishes, if need be.

[Hadash]

Day 20

Despite the apparently success of the previous, which had seemed to have surprised and shocked the government, the opposition was increasingly doubting about the next step. That morning, the parliament building was surrounded and protected by policemen armed with assault weapons, while snipers could be spotted in nearby buildings. There were increasing rumours that President Géza Békésy could have ordered a final crackdown at least in the center of Köszövár, which could involve not only the police but the armed forces as well.

Meanwhile, Vice-president Deszö Kerekes was sent to Vízdél to take control personally of the situation.

---

General Pál Fülöp was finishing his cigarette somewhere in the outskirts of Northern Köszövár when he saw a black car approaching. The car stopped and Fülöp easily recognized the person who left the car. It was Lieutenant-General Ferenc Gyömbér. It was certainly a strange place for a meeting between the Chief of the General Staff of Keszarian Armed Forces and his main aide, but certainly, the circumstances themselves were not ordinary.

"I was wondering if you were going to come", General Pál Fülöp said. "Do you want a cigarette?".

"No, thanks, sir", Gyömbér replied. "All those controls we established are not exactly good for the traffic, after all. What are we going to do?".

"The orders are clear but the situation is as serious as it can be", Fülöp answered. "There is no way we can find an easy solution right now, either way we are damned".

"The situation is serious indeed", Gyömbér replied. "Have you talked with Reményi?", Gyömber asked Fülöp, in reference to Zándor Reményi, a senior member of the Keszarian Liberal Party, former Vice-President from 1584 to 1594, a personal friend who was said to have helped Gyömbér in his military career as Minister of Defense, a position that Reményi held until the year he became Vice-President as President Géza Békésy running mate.

"Yes, but it's not he could do much for us, even if he was interested to do so", Fülöp said. "I planned to retire soon, so it's not I wish to be involved in this mess. It's going to end bad for us anyway. Our position has already been damanged, for a good or bad reason, a position that took us years to build. It's not a matter of either the government or the opposition, which I could care less about it. But about to keep our strategic position and avoid a disaster".

"Those are my worries too", Gyömber replied.

"If I can count with you", Fülöp added, "there is plane waiting you in Szimanthy airdrome. From there, you could go to Vízdél to control the situation there personally. [Lieutenant-Colonel] Viktor [Feldmann] will be waiting you there. Meanwhile, I will sent Farkasházy to the ministry - I'm sure we can count with him. We will keep in contact".

"Alright", Gyömber said. "Let's hope everything will work out fine...".

"Let's hope", replied Fülöp, before entering into his car.

---

Two hours later, back in the military headquarters in Köszövár, Fülöp received a call, telling him that Lieutenant-Colonel Tibor Farkasházy had been arrested in the Ministry of Defense.

"This was predictable", Fülöp told himself.

"Call to President Géza Békésy immediately", Fülöp told his secretary. "Tell them the call is as urgent as it could be".

[Hadash]

Day 21

The last 48 hours were as tense and chaotic as they could be. The violent crackdown that the opposition feared did not happen. However, the Armed Forces, including the elite military units that President Géza Békésy had ordered to be mobilized in Köszövár, refused to support the government.

Except a few government buildings protected by armed police and one of the government districts which had been seized by military units, including a Keszarian tank (which spread rumours of either a coup d'etat or military crackdown), the police was nowhere to be seen and protestors advanced through Köszövár streets demanding Békésy resignation. A group of protesters entered into the headquarters of the Keszarian Liberal Movement, which was soon almost completely burned down. Hours later, it was reported that President Géza Békésy had fled Köszövár.

At 20:00, opposition leaders Szabina Kecskeméti and Lázár Kádár appeared in front of a large crowd in Szuverén square, calling for the release of all political prisoners arrested since the beginning of the protests. With still President Géza Békésy's whereabouts unknown, Lázár Kádár called the parliament to start an impeachment procedure against Békésy the next and schedule presidential elections as soon as possibled, despite the parliament was closed down and unclear if it was able to open the next day.

At midnight, Vice-president Deszö Kerekes released a statement announcing his resignation.


Day 22

It was reported that several ministers had flown Köszövár or at least they did not appear at their office that day, and their whereabouts were unknown. Lázár proposed that the parliament declared that President Békésy had "withdrawn from his duties in an unconstitutional manner" so the parliament could claim "circumstances of extreme urgency" as legal reasons for early elections. However, he rejected the option to enter in the parliament by the force even if necessary, as proposed by other members of the opposition.

Meanwhile, in the province of Luykvár, in northeastern Keszaria, only a few miles from the Azreae, acting governor and former mayor of Hondvárburg (capital city of Luykvár) David Donáth denounced the downfall of Békésy's government in Köszövár as a "coup d'etat" and claimed that the opposition aimed to establish "mob rule and a dictatorship...in Köszövár". He declared a state emergency in the province, and ordered local police to suppress any gathering by the opposition in the province.

Hours later, President Géza Békésy surprisingly appeared in the city of Újnagyváros, addressing supporters in an improvised rally. Békésy denounced the events of the day before "as a classical example of a coup d'etat" against Keszarian legitimate government, comparing it with the 1529 revolution that led to the Keszarian civil war and the communist regime in the country. He declared that he was not going to resign as "the Keszarian people entrusted me only a few months ago" and he promised that the enemies behind this situation "had no option but surrender as soon as possible" and that they "will face treason charges" against the Keszarian nation.

It was later reported that opposition leader Lázár Kádár had met with General Pál Fülöp, despite rumours that Fülöp had resigned as Chief of the General Staff the day before. General Fülöp addressed the nation a few hours later, declared that he had proposed to several parliamentary leaders that the National Assembly declared martial law for at least seven days in order to "restore order as soon as possible" and promised a restoration to the constitutional path as soon that was achieved.