Hôinôm: Changes and Obstacles

[Hadash]

Marth 21, 1579

On the eve of the Ngày chêt -"Day of the Dead"-, when Hôinômese people burn candles and cook mooncakes in memory of their ancestors, everything seemed calm. It had an ominous start, however, in the industrial town of Ma Noi, when two buildings collapsed between 10:04 and 11:48 am, causing a death toll of at least more than one thousand people, many of them women and children. The smoke caused for the collapsed could be seen from Hôi Luỳên's suburbs, asa the capital city of the Imperial Kingdom was only a few kms from Ma Noi.

Ma Noi was mostly an industrial town, already the third most populated city in Hôinôm, despite it was only a small village on early 16th century. Although most foreign companies were based on coastal towns such as Nam Dinh and Bâc Duong, the improvement of infraestructures in recent decades had made a town like Ma Noi more profitable than in the past. Two of the collapsed buildings were owned by a Hôinômese businessman, Kim Quang Ngôc, who worked mostly exclusively with foreign companies. Many products for Sainamese, Tieguoese, Goldecian, or Oslanburgan companies were produced in buildings like those. The picture of a dead girl buried on rubble along a Toire Inc. product become viral on Hôinôm's social media, before it could be censored.

The news spread quickly, and while a rescue team was sent from Hôi Luỳên, a vigil was started in a nearby square, organized by the families of some of the victims. The death toll continued to rise, and workers and fellow citizens came to show their solidarity, or just curious. A group of local lawyers filed a case against the owners of the building and the factories operating inside it. They were really prepared for it, as it wasn't the first time such disaster happened on the town. Two local overseers were arrested, but the Governor of the province blocked any legal action against Kim Quang Ngôc. Hours later, a group of activists and relatives of the victims were arrested after they had a quarrel with local government officials.

On evening, the vigil turned into a larger protest, and some local workers and victims' relatives set up an informal committee which prepared a list of demands, including the arrest and trial of suspects and an independent commission to identify vulnerable factories. That midnight, however, an explosion and the subsequent fire broke out at the disaster site and authorities were forced to temporarily suspend the search for survivors.

Marth 22, 1579

The mood was heated in Ma Noi that morning. It did not help that the Governor ordered to evict the relatives and protestors from the square, claiming security reasons. A violent clash between protestors and policemen followed, police fired into the air in an attempt to dispere the crowd, and more than 200 people including minors and victims' relatives were detained.

Hour laters, protesting workers and relatives paraded through central Ma Noi by thousands to demand safer working conditions and economic compensation for the families affected by the collapsed buildings. Chants calling for the execution of the building owners could be heard in the crowd. But another violent clash between police and protestors resulted in 50 people killed, two of them policemen.

Riots followed in Ma Noi and nearby towns, targeting vehicles, government and commercial buildings, and foreign companies. The Goldecian consulate in Ma Noi was completely burned down, although not casualties were reported. A Sainamese businessman wasn't that lucky, as he got lost while trying to leave Ma Noi in his car, being blocked by a large crowd. The rioters attacked his car, breaking the windows, and although he tried to accelerate it was too late. The mob overturned his car and lynched him. The protest had an increasing anti-government anti-foreign tone, as protestors felt that the government was protecting foreign companies which were exploiting the people. That midnight, the offices of Toire Inc. in Nam Dinh were attacked as well with handmade grenades. The offices were completely destroyed, but only a few people resulted injured.

The Governor asked for help to the central government, as he was afraid he was not able anymore to contain the situation, and Minister of National Security Quang Công Quang called for a meeting with the other members of the cabinet.

[Hadash]

Marth 23, 1579

The events surprised Prime Minister Nghiêm Dùc Cào during the diplomatic visit to Svarna Surya. He sent a statement condening the protests and calling the government to restore order. However, Minister Quang Công Quang found himself isolated in Yên Nông Imperial Airport as the employees of the airport had joined a solidarity strike called by the Hôinômese Confederation of Labour. The government decided to wait, as a meeting of the Imperial Council of National Security was called for that meeting. Meanwhile, protests spread to the largest towns and cities, and thousands of workers in Nam Dinh, joined the strikes.

Marth 24-25, 1579

Protests in Bâc Duong and Yên Nuông turned more serious, with government buildings being assaulted and seized by the protesters. In many cases, riots followed, and a few hundred of protestors and policemen resulted dead. A failed mutiny nearby Hôi Luỳên, aborted the plans of restoring the order quickly by all means necessary, as it was defended by the Minister of National Security Quang Công Quang.

Marth 26-28, 1579

The Armed Forced were already mobilized in the largest provinces, but they could do much, as the government was surprised by a large demonstration in the capital city of the Imperial Kingdom, Hôi Luỳên. Some claimed it was the largest demonstration since the independence, although unlike other places, the demonstration was peaceful and without important incidents. Meanwhile, in the town of Ma Noi, the protersters organized a "Political Committee", which drafted a manifesto calling for better working conditions and some political reforms. The move was soon imitated in Yên Nuông, and other minor towns and provinces.
In Nam Dihn, leaflets were even calling for a constitutional reform and democratic elections, although the workers seemed more motivated toward material demands. Still, it was enough so that the danger of a revolution, or even a civil war, was denounced by leading conservative newspapers.

That fear paralized the government, but it helped a proposal made by Bûi Quang An, a leading member of the Imperial Council to try to open a dialogue with moderate protesters in order to give dialogue a chance first than everything was decided. The Imperial Council, merely a consultive committee had not much influence on government policy, but An's proposal was received favourably by Empress Hông so the Cabinet Council accepted it by a 12-5 vote. It was decided that Bûi Quang An was going to led the delegation sent to mediate with the protestors. It was rumoured that An was proposed by Prime Minister Cào himself, maybe to blame him if the mediation failed.


Quartyr 6, 1579

Bûi Quang An met with some of the leaders of the movement in Hôi Luỳên and with members of the Association of Mothers' of the Victims of Mai Noi. The negotiations weren't very successful at first, as the Hôi Luỳên leaders demanded the resignation of the government, the arrest of several governors -which they blamed for the repression and violence during the last weeks-, and local elections before a year. Furthermore, Prime Minister Nghiêm Dùc Cào was furious when the government was informed that Bûi Quang An had travelled to Nam Dinh the day before, without notifying the government, meeting with representatives of the Hôinômese Confederation of Labour and other local organizations. After all, the Hôinômese Confederation of Labour was an illegal organization.

An failed to convinced them to postpone a six-day general strike in all the Nam Dihn province, although they agreed that it wouldn't be expanded without meeting the mediation of the committee. An wrote his first report to the Imperial Council, where he proposed to accept a discussion introducing a minimum salary and government committee to investigate the accident in the Mai Noi factory in order to avoid the more political demands and isolating the most radical members of the protest movement. Prime Minister Nghiêm Dùc Cào, who distrusted him despite he , was unconvinced. He tried to convince Empress Hông to declare state of emergency and martial law, while negotiations were postponed.


Quartyr 20, 1579

Tense weeks had followed, after several leaders of some of the protests in different provinces had been murdered in their homes by unknown attackers. On the night of Quartyr 18, 20 Hôinômese soldiers were killed in a terrorist attack in Northeastern Hôinôm. That morning, Empress Hông addressed the nation in a TV speech, the first one since the start of the political crisis.

The 27-year old head of state gave a restrained and dry speech. She condemned violence, and warned that attacks against property and citizens would only make problems worse. Her words weren't likely to thrill the protesters, and she didn't really promise them much. However, she seemed to try being conciliatory enough. She warned that the general interest should prevail, and that individual and selfish interests should not be promoted through either abuse of power or violence in the streets. She ended her short speech calling for understanding and unity. The speech seemed disappointing, as it was unlikely to satisfy either the protesters or the government. Prime Minister Cào met the Empress the next day, in middle of rumours of a cabinet reshuffle.

Five days later, Prime Minister Nghiêm Dùc Cào announced his resignation.


Quartyr 26-28, 1579

There was a hug expectation for whom would replace Nghiêm Dùc Cào as Prime Minister. Cào resignation did not feel as positively in the Armed Forces, being a veteran general himself, who was Chief of General Staff for six years before being Prime Minister after the death of Thúy Vân Quân in 1576. Quang Công Quang, the Minister of National Security, and Minister of Foreign Affairs Lâm Dùc An were the main candidates to Prime Minister, along with other more veteran politicians and military officers.

However, the Empress surprised many, maybe even the chosen one, when she announced the appointment of Bûi Quang An as Prime Minister. An, who had not previous political experience before being appointed to the Imperial Council, seemed a risky move despite his role in the negotiations, which were seen by many as mere strategy and facade of Nghiêm Dùc Cào's government. Bûi Quang An, who had been an university professor before being hired as one of the main private tutors of Empress Hông, reminded to many to Quang Quang Dùc, the weak and moderate Prime Minister during the failed liberal revolution of 1549, and soon he found the enmity of the most conservative and traditionalist newspapers.

An's First Cabinet wasn't very different than the replaced one, and many Minister kept their positions, including Lâm Dùc An, while some politicians from the older generation were offered and given some minor positions in the government. An, however, appointed a few independent ministers, who most of them lacked any political experience, businessmen and former university professors like himself.

As Prime Minister, Bûi Quang An, promised that "dialogue with the civil society", as he described, will continue, but that order should be restored. He promised that his government would consider establishing a national minimum wage, and an independent committee would prepare a report for the Imperial Council, about the cases of violence witnesses in the last weeks, including the causes of the accident in the Ma Noi factory. An promised "deep administrative reforms" and "working hard...to improve economic growth and employment", although he avoided mentioning any political reform in detail.

[Hadash]

Tolven 1584 | National Assembly, Hôi Luỳên


While the country experienced an unexpected calm months during the Women’s World Cup and the previous months, social peace broke into pieces as soon as the memories of the international tournament faded away -which did not last despite the improving results of the Hôinômese national team. Strikes, ethnic tensions, and violence surged nationwide. The month of Elva ended with a successful 266-daystrike by the Union of Service Workers in Nam Dinh -the longest working class conflict in Hôinôm’s history- which resulted with the Chât’ân Mòn Corporation accepting most of the demands of the workers, which was seen as an ominious sign in Hôi Luỳên.

However, the weak and divided opposition did not cause Prime Quang Công Quang much problems as compared with the lawmakers who allegedly were supporting his government. The so-called “Monarchist Right” and “Traditionalist” groups in the National Assembly, which were not organized factions but were certainly quite rowdy in the main pro-government newspapers, was becoming more inflexible and demanding as months go by.  Although the promised “Bill of Rights” had not progressed much in the last months, they demand a shift of policy in order to strengthen state institutions and crush social unrest. Paradoxically, some of the far-rightist MP were openly calling for ending the “parliamentary experiment”.

---

It was being a lively but disruptive session in the National Assembly. The parliamentary session started with the discussion of a bill which proposed giving the national government special powers to “fight terrorism and disruptions of the social order” through allowing to the government to suspend the habeas corpus -only recently established- and the reestablishment of military courts.

After the intervention of Cao Vân Quyên, an uproar in the assembly followed. Quyên, was a MP from Nam Dinh, the wealthiest and most cosmopolitan city of the Kingdom. He came from a long political dinasty, and his own father had been arrested after the failed liberal revolution of 1549 for which he spent a few years in jail. Quyên had been one of the prominent members of the “Modernizers”, as a group of ministers, lawmakers and journalists were called, renowned for their support of Prime Minister Bûi Quang An. Unlike the idealist generation of his father, Cao Vân Quyên and other An’s political allies were not exactly interested in a radical transformation of the country, but rather in a gradual modernization through structural reforms and the rule of law. But the 1581 elections, called by the old electoral system which assured a large number of seats to the ancient nobility, had been disappointed, Prime Minister Bûi Quang An and his political allies -even including the most staunch constitutionalist MPs- had obtained only about thirty seats of 222, being unnumbered by Conservative and Hard-Right representatives. Prime Minister Bûi Quang An had to fight every reform in a hostile legislature and we was force to resign in 1581.

An was replaced as Prime Minister by Quang Công Quang, and although the new government was not as reactionary as it could have expected, most of the reforms started by An’s government had been slowed, neutered, or even reversed and repealed. Quyên had tried to cooperate at first with Prime Minister Quang Công Quang’s closest supporters in the assembly, but he ended instead coming to closer terms with the small group of liberal minded MPs, as the new government enjoyed a large majority and was not exactly interested to waste time with the core supporters and ministers of the previous administration.

Once the mood in the assembly seemed calm, Huỳn Công Viên approached the stand. Viên, the youngest son of a well-known nobility family, was elected to the National Assembly by one of the seats reserved to the ancient nobility. He was informally affiliated with the so-called “Monarchist Right”, an heterodox group of monarchist and reactionary MPs. Although political parties were not allowed in the Imperial Kingdom of Hôinôm, but ideological groupings were tolerated as far as they lacked a formal organization. Huỳn Công Viên was considered an independent-minded MP, considered close to former Prime Minister Diêp Công Duông, and a talented -although controversial- speaker.

“My estimated members of the National Assembly”, Huŷn Công Viên said from the stand. “Mr. Cao Vân Quyên has lectured us with a long and detailed speech, and although we have already experienced a long session today, I feel compelled to answer such witty and daring words”.

“In an act of unaware sincerity, maybe”, Viên continued, “but likely in good faith, Mr. Quyên confessed us from this same podium that he has often wondered about the truth of his own ideas and principles, as such ideas had been defeated once and once again. I’m sure that Mr. Quyên is right on this issue, if he was able to ponder calmly about it then he should agree with me. Those ideas can never be on power for long because they are ideas of opposition and not ideas of government. They are roteen, infertile, and disastrous ideas, which should be fought until they are buried for good by all necessary means!”. Grumble and applause followed, until the Speaker of the Assembly was able to reign silence again.

“Mr. Quyên is not a boring speaker, I concede that”, Viên continued once the chamber was silent enough again. “He discusses both principles and facts, and he likes to lectures us how the latter relate to the former. For example, when discussing foreign policy, he talked for long his liberal ideology judge recent events in Brigidna, Svarna Surya, Mayari, Singan. And when he talked us about domestic affairs, the discussed in detail the principles of his movement; its achievement in recent years, the errors it made and the opposition that it found; and the virtuous and prosperous future he is planning for all us. Some may find such speeches tedious and unpractical, but I must disagree with you, estimated representatives”. Laughs and murmurs followed.

“I believe I do justice to Mr. Quyên if I summarize his speech on domestic policy in just one word: legality. The law as the highest political ideal, always the legality, the legality above every circumstance. While I agree that rule of law is an honourable principle and that order must be respected, I can not follow blindly such well-meaning principle. It is my opinion that laws are established for the well-being of the nation, and that the well-being of the nation can not be sacrificed to the law. So I must correct Mr. Quyên: it is not the law but the nation the highest political idea, first and always the nation, the nation above every circumstance. If the law is enough to save the nation, then the law; when it’s not enough, then it is time for the dictatorship”. Noisy hissings and timid applauses followed.

“Yes, I am aware that such is a terrible word”, Viên quickly added, “although not as terrible as that other word, revolution. I can assure that ambition and greed do not move me to utter such words, as I do not hope to replace Prime Minister Quang or any of the ministers. I can not serve the nation better than I do in this assembly – which may not be enough, but it is all I aspire to for the moment. But it is my duty as member of this assembly to advice the government to choose the best path for the well-being of the nation, and this path -in my humble opinion- can only be the a government able to impose order by all means necessary. In the present times when property is not respected; when the mob threatens the policeman; the son questions the father, the pupil question the teacher, the worker questions the government and, heaven does not allow it, the ignorant questions the monarch, it is time for dictatorship able to strengthen the pillars of society. In such circumstances, the dictatorship is not only a legitimate government, but a good, rational, and necessary one”.

“I hear the noise from the chamber and I can understand it quite well”, Viên continued. “Mr. Quyên, along his fellow well-meaning and liberal representatives, likely believes that I am exaggerating, that the situation can not be that dire. However, they do not understand society and history if they think so. The revolution always comes like death: suddenly. While I am not old enough to remember it, when one reads newspapers during the 1549 revolution one can realize that nobody was expecting such awful times which spiller river of bloods. Nobody expected the 1579 events either, a tragic but small event which is the main cause that we are gathering in this hall today. Patience is a great virtue, but it can be an unpardonable weakness as well. During the last week, we could discuss in detail the situation in Svarna Surya, and members of the government shared their views and proposals on this issue. Some easily excited fellow representatives, shouted about the need -in a justified but improper style- of burning that country to teach a lesson to the region. No! That country is already burning! Naive and idealist ideologues see the society crumbling and they ask for more openess and political reforms…Can’t you see what similar reforms and principles produced south to our country’s borders? Not a crumbling society but a damned and rotten nation. If they can not be convinced with words, it is time the government shows how wrong their principles are with ruthless governmental actions”.

“But as you may still remember -if you listened attentively enough-, Mr. Quyên warned us that there are revolutions because the people -wrongfully or not- feel that there is injustice and unfairness, that can only be solved through more lawful legality. And yesterday, Mr. Mông, the champion of the progressive movement in this chamber explained us that bread and democracy are the antidote to every revolutionary movement. ‘Feed the people and the social order will be restored’, that seems the idiotic principle of the progressive movement...Such claim goes against history and reason. No, estimated members of this assembly, no revolution has ever been done by the oppressed and starving masses. Every revolution, in all countries and continents, has always been motivated by greed and ambition, not by poverty. The revolutions are always caused and led by the elite and the middle classes, not by the people. The origin of every revolutionary movement can only be found in the overexcited lust of the ignorant masses, who are manipulated by the greedy politicians who aims to become in the new ruling elite. ‘You will be like kings’, such was the principle of the revolt of the nobility against a weak monarch; ‘You will live like the nobility’, that is the axiom of the revolutions by the merchant class against the ancient nobility; ‘You will live like the rich’, such is the cry of war by the communist scumbags…It is time to save the nation more pain by getting rid of such garrulous and mountebanks”.

“Let me add a few more words”, Viên added, while applause were still resounding in half of the assembly. "Mr. Quyên and his liberal comrades see chaos everywhere and they preach us about the need for more political reforms, more freedom, and more parliamentary committees. Can’t they see how are those nations doing with all those constitutional government, all those lawful political parties, and licentiousness to all nations nearby us? Where are they going with their sovereign parliaments, always guided by the ignorant masses; their lawful governments, unable to govern; and their inviolable kings, which are not respected anymore?”.

“It is not a nice future which other -worse governed and less fortunate- nations are showing us. Mr. Quyên is wrong, we are not choosing between noble freedom and shameful dictatorship. If that was the choice, maybe I would be on Mr. Quyên’s side. No, that’s not the choice. We are choosing today between the dictatorship of the revolt and the dictatorship of the government; in that case, I choose the latter, which is less shaming and more productive”.

“Honourable members of the assembly”,  Huỳn Công Viên continued, “if we have to choose a dictatorship from above and a dictatorship from below, then there should be no doubt, we must choose the dictatorship from above. It is a more rational and healthy form of government, even Mr. Quyên should agree, if he is not blinded by his noble principles. There is no third alternative, it is time to choose between a strong and stable government and mob rule. We are choosing today between the dictatorship of the dagger and the dictatorship of the sword. I choose the latter, because it is more brave and noble. Still, I predict that we will be divided on this issue, Mr. Quyên. You, as usual, you will choose the popular option; while we, estimated members of the assembly, will vote the only reasonable and healthy one”.

A long applause resounded in the chamber, only followed by a chaotic brawl between several MPs. Muong Dùc Lành, one of the few MPs who dared to call themselves “Democrats”, ended with his nose bleeding. The Speaker of the Assembly, with limited success, called to order be respected again.

A 30-minute break was called. The National Assembly ended supporting the proposal, with a final 157-48 vote.

[Hadash]

Dein 1586 | Northeastern Hôinôm


The career of Bûi Thành Quyên had certainly turned on the downside in recent years. Quyên, who joined the Royal Armed Forces as many in his family did before him, had achieved the rank of Lieutenant-Colonel at age 31. Four years later, he was appointed governor of Trông Nam, a small but rich province in western Hôinôm - the youngest governor ever in the modern history of the country. His prominence and influenced kept growing in the government and the armed forces, even having an important role in several diplomatic missions, although it was rumoured in some circles in Hôi Luỳên that this was likely associated to bedroom skills rather than political ones. His name was said to be considered a likely candidate for the Ministry of Defense and even higher positions. He was finally promoted to the rank of general in 1576, but his influence declined after the death of Queen Xuân, a year later. After a short-lived experience as ambassador in Kortoa, he was called back to Hôinôm, where he was in charge of the administrative offices of the Armed Forces.

After the demise of Governor Luông Quang Cào, a close political ally of Prime Minister Bûi Quang An, Bûi Thành Quyên was sent as military governor of the northeastern provinces, a rural and poor region mostly inhabited by the Bahmer ethnic group. It could be described, in Quyên's own words, as "a nauseating hinterland between the often flooded villages and the jungle". As insurgency increased in the area and with the radicalization of politics in Hôi Luỳên, Quyên felt that these unfriendly lands were likely to open a new path for his life, for good or for bad, soon.

Bûi Thành Quyên's car stopped nearby one village along the road which led to the central region. There were military trucks and machinary around. The houses were barely buildings, rather huts and shacks in most cases. The remaining inhabitants were being put in military trucks, in order to be transfered to another location.

"Don't be afraid", a soldier shouted. "You could return in a month, once the area is peaceful enough again. You will be provided anything you need". Not all the villagers were entirely convinced.

Some minutes later, a soldier approached Quŷen. "General, the prisoners are ready", the soldier said. Quyên nodded.

They entered into a dirty wooden house. They were three young men, chained on their knees. The older one was likely still in his early 20s, while the youngest one was only a teenager.

"These one was arrested along a group of suspects identified as the criminals who attacked a military convoy two weeks ago", an officer said, while pointing out at one of the suspects. "The other ones were caught, in the villages and nearby places, with illegal propaganda including emblem of the terror forces".

"I see", Bûi Thành Quyên replied, apparently bored. "You look almost like children", he added with an almost paternalist tone. "Do you think this is a game? No, it's not a game, and you are wasting our time. Supporting the terrorist forces are a very serious crime".

One of the prisoners kept staring at Quyên, with a rather passive and inexpressive face. "Probably, he doesn't speak our language, sir", one soldier told Quyên. "At least he hasn't said a word since he was arrested, I was told".

Quŷen suddenly kicked the prisoner with his boot. "Weren't you taught manners, idiot?", he said. "Let's do this as quickly as possible, we have many things to do. The young boy was left weeping, with his jaw bleeding.

Then, one of the soldiers put his gun on the forehead of another of the prisoners. "How did the attackers avoided the checkpoints, where were they hidding? Answer and you may be lucky", Quyên said. But the prisoners only repeated a few words, maybe just gibberish, in Bhmer language. The noise of a gunshot followed, and the lifeless body covered soon the floor with blood.

"This is your last chance", Quyên said, visibly upset, "this time I assure you that every member of your family will follow the same path of you and you stupid friend if you don't cooperate".

"O-kay", one of the prisioners said, crying. "We did nothing wrong, we were not involved in violent acts. Please, don't kill our families".

"He has declared that they only met seven militants from this and other nearby villages", one soldier explained Quyên a few minutes later. "He assured that they just served as messengers, providing food and shelter, and the remaining weaponry is on the forest, in a small cave about 800 metres from the village. He claims the are no remaining militants in the area...Those seven ones were those we arrested and killed this morning, if he is telling the truth".

"Alright", Quyên replied. "Let's be careful. If you are lying and you are trying to set us a trap, none of your men and families will survive".

---

Bûi Thành Quyên was smoking a cigarette, back nearby the main road.

"It seems the suspect was telling the truth", an officer told Quyên. "He showed us that cave...rather an underground cache. We found some rifles, Tieguonese grenades, old machine guns like those used by the guerrilla in Singan, documents with the Front's emblem, a notebook, and some maps. There is no sign that nobody was there for a while".

"Alright", Quyên said. "Send urgently those documents to Yên Nông, maybe we will find something useful".

"What should we do with the two remaining prisoners, sir?", the officer replied.

"Kill those rats", Quyên said. "There is no use to waste more paperwork with another military court. That would be ridiculous, a waste of time. Leave their bodies inside some house and burn down the village as planned".

"Yes sir", the officer replied.

"I have to return to Môi Tâm now", Quyên added. "This could be a good place for that military camp and checkpoint actually. Start the work tomorrow if possible. I hope it will be ready when I return in three weeks".

[Hadash]

Bolo, Republic of Mayari | Alvan, 1587

While the discussions have been so far constructive and relatively friendly in the Masino Termulo Civic Center, a tense argument started between Tôn Dùc Vang, the leader of the National Federation of Labour Organizations, and Luông Thành Binh, the veteran General Secretary of the Confederation of Independent Trade Unions had started about a rather trivial topic: if regional councils should send delegates to the national secretariat, or if they should be limited to implement established agreements. Many of remaining 112 delegates to the congress (a few had left to nearby tea houses or were taking a nap in the hall or upper floors) barely followed the discussions with apathy or boredom.

"Companions, comrades!", Doàn Quang Nguyên, who had been elected the deputy chairman of the committee who organized the congress, interrupted them. "Let's take a break. This is going nowhere, and many of us are visibly tired. These have been very intense two days, let's not ruin what we achieved so far. After some rest, I am certain that we will return to this topic with a more constructive spirit and clearer mind. I propose that we take a 5-hour break and see then if we can advance on this topic". The proposal was accepted by a clear majority.

Vang approached Binh to exchange a few words. Both were visibly tired -Vang sweating considerably-, and although their short conversation wasn't exactly friendly, they departed without sign of hostility - at least compared to just five minutes before.

"I need to sleep",  Tôn Dùc Vang told Dàm Vân Chì, who had become one of Vang's closest allies in recent times. Both men met in Tiejungo shortly after the 1579 political crisis. By then, Tôn Dùc Vang had lived more than twenty-years in exile, and he was respected by the most radical factions of the Hoinomese worker's movement. Tôn Dùc Vang came from an impoverished middle-class, an started working as lithographer in his early teens. At age 24, he had already created an union of typographer, involved in several workers strikes, and was a leading member of the League of Workers, a far-left organization, considered too radical even for the tiny Hoinomese Communist Party. Soon, many of their leaders were arrested by the Hoinomese police, and tortured and executed. Vang was luckied, and only spent 14 years in prison. Shortly afterwards, he was forced to leave the country. The wounds of his jail years, and maybe torture, could be still seen in his won face. Dàm Vân Chì, on the other hand, had worked most of his life as sailor. He lacked political experience, but he had visited many countries and he was able to speak at least five languages - although he spoke poorly most of them, but enough to survive. Vang, on the other hand, had never been abroad before leaving to exile and, even today, after so many years, his own world was limited to the Hôi language. Nevertheless, with Chì's help, Tôn Dùc Vang became the undisputed leader of the recently created National Federation of Labour Organizations, which soon displaced the National Union of Workers, the nationalist trade union, becoming the second largest trade union in the Imperial Kingdom of Hôinôm.

On the other hand, Luông Thành Binh, who became General Secretary of the Confederation of Independent Trade Unions in 1581, was a men interested in more practical issues, and unlike Tôn Dùc Vang, was not interested in ideological debates or political theory. He had remained in Hôinôm as well, despite spending several years in Hoinomese prisons. After hotel industry trade unions from Nam Dihn joined the Confederation of Independent Trade Unions in the early 1580s, this became the largest trade union in Hôinôm, and Luông Thành Binh was able to strengthen its apolitical orientation. Binh considered that trade unions shouldn't be involved in political issues, except when the interests of the workers and the trade union was directly involved. For this reason, the Confederation of Independent Trade Unions did not officially campaign for left-wing candidates for the 1585 parliamentary election, although some of its local branches did. However, this didn't help the Confederation of Independent Trade Unions, established in 1570, who found many of its local leaders and most active militants in jail or disappeared. Although trade unions were able to register and be recognized by the state after a 1580 legal reform, workers strikes were still illegal in Hôinôm. And when Quang Công Quang became Prime Minister, repression against trade unions intensified, specially afer 1585.

"We need to find a better alternative on this issue", Luông Thành Binh said to a group of delegates as soon as Tôn Dùc Vang told Dàm Vân Chì had left. "Wait me in the third pavilion in twenty minutes...I need to eat something first".

Meanwhile, Dàm Vân Chì had already separated from Tôn Dúc Vang, and he was already leaving the hall, which looked in a rather ruinous state, compared to the upper floors. The Masino Termulo Civic Center, previously a state school, had been ceded to the Confederation of Independent Trade Unions for four days thanks to a deal with the Mayari communist party, which Chì found hilarious somehow. Before leaving, he smiled to a group of young Hoinomese and Mayari ladies who were preparing tea in the main hall.

Dàm Vân Chì left behind the Masino Termulo Civic Center, walking as fast as he could. He knew he hadn't much time. He descended through the nearby long avenue, until he reached the train station. He bought a return ticket while he was nervously waiting for the train to come. 'I will barely have time to come back', he thought. But the train suddenly came and Chì hadn't much time to be lost in his own thoughts.

---

About forty-five minutes later, Chì left the train in another train station, quite smaller than Bolo. "So I have only two hours left", he thought. Not without struggle, he found the district he was looking for. The buildings were quite high, at least 14 floors, with reddish walls. 'These buildings should have been quite impressive when they were built', Chì thought, 'but now even that old Bolo school looks new in comparison'. Nevertheless, he kept walking toward a nearby courtyard.

"Where could I find Mr. Teum?", Chì asked to an old lady. He repeated again trying to improve his accent.

Finally, a younger woman understood him. "Do you mean that old strange man?", she said. "Yes, wait, I'll ask Oswaldo". Then she left for at least twenty minutes. Chì wondered if this was a good idea after all.

Instead of the woman, a man came back, who talked Chì in Hôi language, but poorly spoken. Chì felt that the man was probably an ethnic Bhmer. The man invited Chì to his own home, prepared him a tea, and after a ten-minute conversation, led Chì to nearby, smaller appartment.

An old man opened the door. Whatever his age, the old man looked twenty years older. He was invited to sit down, and was offered a cup of tea again, which he rejected this time. Both men kept talking -likely in Bhmer language, Chì thought- for another ten minutes. They talked mostly as if Chì wasn't there, only the Bhmer man looked at him from time to time.

"How did things go in Bolo", the old man suddenly asked Chì.

"Well, they were as well as they could", Dàm Vân Chì asked.

"What's your profession?", the man asked. "Are you a worker?".

"I have had different jobs", Chî answered. "But I have been a seaman most of my life, even if not for a while?".

"A sailor?", he said. "That's interesting. I had the chance to meet many while in Tiejungo. Most of the people I met there actually worked in the port. They are independent minded, but not very organized outside the sea, if you understand what I mean".

"I guess so", Dàm Vân Chì answered.

"How have you found this country?", the man asked.

"Mayari? Dàm Vân Chì replied. "Well, I was never in this town. I visited it many times in the past, but mostly the southern coast. I lived in Larrazabal for almost two years. But I have never visited the inland provinces...But somehow everything here seems always about to collapse, even the buildings".

"Indeed", the man replied, this time with a smile. "It looks like the country is always about to collapse...everything about to turn into ruins, but actually it never does. Like a growing but infinite crack. While there north, everything looks quite strong and threatening, but it suddenly collapses, when you didn't expect it. And again, higher walls, prisons, and palaces are built. Well, I haven't been there in decades, but it feels still so. A nation never changes, unless it is destroyed".

"Well, things changed and didn't changed at the same time, I'd say", Chì said, unsure what to add after such dreadful turn. "But I understand that feeling", he continued. "Even if not that many years, it's always difficult to return to land after a long time on the sea. It could be so once, at least".

"Where are you from?", the man suddenly asked.

"I was born in Biam Hông province", Chì answered. "But my family moved to Bâc Duong when I was still a child".

"A fateful decision", my grandparents would have said", the man replied. "Personally, I was only twice in Bâc Duong. I never liked it much. Things turned really ugly there in 1550".

"I was only a child", Chì said. "But so I heard".

"They ruined everything, ones with their speeches and good manners, the others with their masteful plans and organized discipline", the man said.  "Do you smoke", he suddenly asked.

"I do, wel, sometimes", Chì replied.

"I did as well when I was much younger", the man said. "My generation used to smoke like chimneys. But I stopped decades ago. It's not just about my health. I don't pretend to live long. But how does a person pretend to destroy a plant if he can't beat the tyranny of a plant?".

"Well, I don't really smoke that much, just a bit", Chì replied. "And destroying a state is way out of our hands right now".

"Mr. Teum", Dàm Vân Chì said after a pause, "are you Tuân...?".

"A name is just a name", the main interrupted him. "It's getting late. Let me show you something before you leave".

[Hadash]

Tuông Nam Province, Imperial Kingdom of Hôinôm | Septem, 1587


The car entered into a large but modest country estate, nearby the city of Nam Dinh, but actually belonging to the Tuông Nam province. Behind the main house, one could see the sea - an even Tiejungo's coast, if the day was not too cloudy. Unfortunately, it was not one of those days.

Huỳn Công Viên left the car, and he was received by one of the domestic workers.

"Your excellency", the man said while bending his head, Sir Duông will receive you in a few minutes".

Huỳn Công Vièn nodded, without saying a word, not even looking the man at his eyes. The man left.

A younger woman came a few minutes later, whom Vièn seemed to recognized as one of Diêp Công Duông's nieces.

"Uncle Duông is an old man, as you can understand", the woman told Vièn. "He tires easily and his health is not already good. Today, however, he seems of good humour. However, one must have enough patience. I know you understand this, but it is my duty to remind it to you".

Huỳn Công Viên crossed tha main hall and entered into a spacing, which Viên remembered as a large library. Now, however, several sofas had been moved into the room, along a modern sofa-bed. Most of the furniture and bookshelves looked dusty.

"Welcome, Viên. I hope your travel was pleasant enough", Diêp Công Duông. The old man, holding a wooden cane, approaching Huỳn Công Vién slowly.

"Yes, Your Excellency", Huỳn Công Vièn replied. Since he was elected to the national parliament, Vièn hadn't met the former Prime Minister.

"Has Hoa offered anything to drink?", Diêp Công Duông asked. "You may be thirsty after your travel. I have just eaten, but she could prepare anything for you".

"Yes, she did". Vièn answered. "No, thank you. I had a plenty lunch in Nam Dinh".

"Sadly, I haven't such lunches in years", Duông replied. "One simply loses the appetite as we get older".

"How do you feel today?", Vièn asked.

"I am fine, as far as I can say", Duông replied. "My great-grandparent died at age 51. Both of my grandparents died in their 60s, while my late father died -decades ago- at age 79. I will probably be alive until my early 90s", the 87-year-old man said with a smile.

"One doesn't really know", Vièn said.

"Indeed", Duông said. "As in politics, we can never know when death will visit us. But you are still too young to know much about it. You could be my own grandson, so don't try to argue with about such a topic".

"You are right", Vièn. "But one doesn't require to be wise to live and learn from such experience. I unexpectedly did when my late brother Trai left us, including his children and wife".

"Yes...", Duông replied. "I'm afraid I forgot about that. Anyway, how are things going in Hôi Luỳên? Or rather, how do you feel the present moment?".

"Things are going as calm as they could be", Vièn answered. "There have been both concerning and expected developments and affairs recently. But nothing too serious, at least for now. I am more concerned about some kind of people that one can find easily in Hôi Luỳên. They can be quite noisy and apparently resolute, but they are only able to react when everyone but them realized the problem. But they lack any kind of imagination".

"I understand", Duông said with an inexpressive tone. "A few years ago", he continued, "I met Quang and he gave me the impression of a similar personality. Or maybe, he produced no impression on me. He was, of course, a much younger man".

"The Prime Minister?", Vièn asked.

"Yes", Duông answered. "But he was only a minister back then, I believe".

"Prime Minister Quang is a competent and serious person", Vièn said. "He might be the right person for the present circumstances, although I have only talked with him twice. But it is difficult to say if he's the right person for a different situation. He is often described as a good manager, and it is fair to say that he has done a good job with the national administration compared to others. But he may a required vision when things unexpectedly change".

"A long-term policy with clear goals is necessary, but it must not be a substitute for good governance", the old man said. "The last thing that a kingdom needs is an intellectual in charge of the government. You may dislike it but that's something you must learn. Most of the time, a competent government and common sense may be enough. Not ideal, maybe, but enough if it doesn't go along vanity and cowardice".

"I don't disagree, Your Excellency", Vièn said. "I'm not interested in the national government. I don't think that's my role right now. I have even considered to leave Hôi Luỳên sooner than later".

"What are you going to do?" Duong asked with a severe tone. "Become a professor, a journalist? Don't do that, only a fool would do that. That's only losing time, even if it feeds your own vanity. It's always a good thing to have the right people close to the power, even if they don't touch it. If it has been decided that we can't live without a parliament, for some strange reason, it would be good for the country".

"I didn't decide yet", Vièn replied. "It's not my final decision. But I will consider your advice".

"It's alright", Duông said, while trying to move, slowly and clumsily, toward a move comfortable position. "Have you met the Empress?".

"I had only that pleasure once", Vièn said. "I haven't spent much time in the court, even if I rarely leave Hôi Luỳên nowadays".

"I see", Duông said. "She looked still as a teenager the last time I met her...She was such a strange child, if this can be said. She seemed to have then an usual but weird bright in her eyes, it was difficult to say if she understood everything or nothing at all".

"Children produce that feeling often, I'd say", Vièn replied. "It's not unusual".

"Maybe that's true", Duông added as he was trying to remember something lost in his own memory. "For some reason, not many of the girls in our family lived long. Hoa is the exception, of course. She, her daughters, and my late brother's and my own's grandaughters, whom we can only hope for them a great future. Life may feel dull very often, but those are the times when everything seems about to change. Even if this calm hill, one can feel that something may suddenly change, not only here and in Hôi Luỳên, or in our nation, but nearby and faraway at the same time. But we can only wish these dull days will continue without further changes, at least for enough years".

"Let's hope that will be the case, Your Excellency", Viên said.

"Are you leaving today?", Duông asked.

"I'll stay for two days more in Nam Dinh", Vièn answered. "We'll return to Hôi Luỳên then".

[Hadash]

Wuiso, Singan | Dein, 1587


The new repressive laws passed by Hôinôm's national parliament in the name of national security, along the arbitrary constraints to freedom of expression, association and peaceful assembly imposed by Prime Minister Quang Công Quang's government were soon applied to the Hoinomese worker movement as well, now largely merger under a national organization, the National Federation of Workers and Farmers. Luông Thành Binh was successfu to impose an apolitical stance as national policy, but this didn't help neither him nor the movement: as many, he was forced to flee to exile in order to avoid an upcoming arrest. Others weren't so lucky, and they were languishing in Hoinomese jails, facing the quick military courts, or simply ended in missing persons lists.

As every Wednesday, Luông Thành Binh was having a lunch in the "Congông Dò", a restaurant which had become a meeting point for the Hoinomese community in the northern Singanese town. The restaurant had been founded by a Hoinomese émigré, a former member of the Hoinomese Nationalist Party. After his dead some years ago, the restaurant was managed by his younger son, Thuân, who reformed the restaurant, offering a both traditional and original combination of Hoinomese and Singanese cuisine. A heterogenous list of members of the Hoinomese community in the town could be found every day in "Congông Dò": artists, writers, anti-monarchists, nationalists, syndicalists, communists, anarchists and other radicals. Hoinomese migrant workers prefered cheaper places, but they came to have dinner from time to time, as curious tourists and, sometimes, a confused passerby did as well.

Hùng entered into the restaurant. His outfit, wearing a wrinkled but apparently new suit and holding a big and black suitcase, seemed a bit out of place. He sat down in one solitary table, with only two chairs. To his own surprise, he was politely attended by a young waiter. The waiter did not speak any dialect he was able to recognize, so Hùng assumed that the man was not probably born in Hôinôm. Hùng asked a dish of Bun cha and a random Singanese beer.

Luông Thành Binh did not notice the newcomer. He kept patiently eating his plentiful lunch, which consisted in several plates of Bánh khoái and Bánh khot, a Chào soup, which he had already finished, and a dish of Singanese noodles prepared in the Xâo style, all combined with a Mayari wine, which was cheap but with an intense flavour.

Hùng tried the Bun cha. It was tasty, but it felt quite different as it was prepared in his own province. It was spicy but with a bit watered flavour. His mobile phone rang. He introduced his fingers into the jacket, only to realize he hadn't catch the wrong mobile phone. A bitter but funny smile appeared in his face. He then remembered that his own mobile phone was in one of the pockets of his trousers.

Luông Thành Binh, as he finished the noodles, realized about Hùng, who was patiently drinking his beer. Binh felt that Hùng must not be older than 35, and he wonder what kind of business he could have in a grey city like Wuiso. But soon his own thoughts came back to his own shirt. He realized how much he had gained weight in only a few weeks. This was soon forgotten, however, as we ate another bành khot after moistening his lips with that cheap Mayari wine.

Hùng had finished the beer, and without completely eating his plate, he asked the waiter for the final bill.

As Luông Thành Binh finished the remainder of his salty cake, could easily recognize Muong Vân Nhung entering the restaurant. A veteran and eccentric member of the Hoinomese community in Wuiso, he was well-known and many anecdotes spread about him. A former nationalist activist from Quang Cai, who became a communist supporter already in exile, some decades ago, Nhung was mostly known for his lousy behavior. Binh felt that he was just nuts, another senile fool always looking for problems and scandal.

Hùng left a generous tip and abandoned the restaurant. He seemed to be in a hurry, as the forgot his suitcase, placed behind the door.

Luông Thành Binh, while still annoyed but the invited presence of the last customer, noticed the uneasy conversation of one of the waiters with a Tieguonese couple -likely tourists, who did not speak a word of neither Singanese or Hoinomese-, who had informed about that lost suitcase in the floor.

Hùng had already crossed the street, and he got his phone from one of the pockets of his jacket. He dialled an unusual number, but he couldn't avoid to lower his head three seconds before the chaotic traffic was interrupted by a sudden noise.

Unlike many shocked pedestrians, Hùng did not look bad toward the "Congông Dò", now in flames. He waited for his taxi to come, which -he was told- had a Jandrean flag sticker in its door. That taxi finally came, and Hùng quickly entered into the car, leaving fast the place.

Today business had been finished, and it was time to leave this dirty town.