11-01-2018, 09:07 PM
Week 4
Many ministers and a few Keszarial Liberal Movement representatives had fled Köszövár, or even the country, and many government officials did as well. Gyöngy Székély, as acting president, had no options but to left many of the ministries in charge of minor political appointees and civil servants.
As the Keszarian police had become greatly disfunctional, at least in Köszövár, after many police chiefs had also left the city or their whereabouts were unknown, and many policemen decided not to attend to work, at least temporarily, fearing reprisals, General Pál Fülöp declared that the law enforcement would be in charge of the armed forces. Even before both chambers of the parliament voted for a seven-day state of emergency law, soldiers were patrolling the streets of Köszövár. While the start of the impeachment process against President Géza Békésy was enthusiastically received by the opposition and protesters, the militarization of the capital was also seen as a subtle threat that the armed forces were likely to intervene if either the government and opposition weren't able to reach an agreement or the state wasn't able to establish the order.
Despite the coming end of President Géza Békésy administration, unthinkable only a month ago, the opposition was not entirely optimistic about their prospects. After all, they lacked any real control regarding the legislative and the executive, which was still controlled by the Keszarian Liberal Movement. They did not trust Gyöngy Székély, but it was not likely that she could be replaced for someone better, and they chances to get to power were very limited right now. At the same time, however, join the government in the current circumstances had a serious risk, and therefore the National Committee of Democratic Restoration vowed to pressure for legislative and presidential elections instead.
Meamwhile, in Luykvár province, the situation threatened to turned ugly with forces loyal to governor David Donáth controlling most of the province, and actively supressing any kind of protest against the local government. The Armed Forces told Donáth to step down, but he rejected to do so, probably realizing that he would lose all power in case of a new administration took power. Luykvár para-military forces allegedly blown up several bridges to prevent any military incursion, while rumours of Lanlanian intervention increased -although this time seemed that it could be only in support of Köszövár government, as the Lanlanian government had gestured toward a recognition of Gyöngy Székély government.
However, opposition leaders in Köszövár and Vízdél were still in contact with their supporters in the province. Michael Szabó, a student from Luykvár who had been active in the protest movement in Vízdél, called for a general strike and a demonstration against Donáth local government on Nueva 26. That morning, a student demonstration was started from the regional university, only to be attacked by the local security forces loyal to Donáth a few minutes after they started to march outside the campus. Dozens of protsters were reportedly injured, and soon there were rumours that several students had been kidnapped by Donáth forces - which David Donáth himself denied in a television statement. However, the violent break up of peaceful demonstration by unarmed students proved a catalyst for even larger protests later on the same day. Several thousands protesters headed to the center district to Hondvárburg demanding David Donáth resignation. The local security tried to disperse violently the demonstration again, but this time they were forced to withdraw from the area.
Demonstration in Hondvárburg continued for another week, while there were rumours that General Fülöp had sent two military elite units toward the province. After a meeting with opposition representatives in the Castleon consulate in Hondvárburg, and after realizing that President Békésy was unable to mobilize support beyond Újnagyváros, Donáth seemed to realize he was in a dead end and announced his resignation. He fled to Ceribia that same night, while his main subordinates attempted to leave the city the next day.
When Donáth resignation was confirmed the next morning, opposition leader Lázár Kádár described the events in Hondvárburg as a "second but bloodless Keszarian revolution" in front of a crowd in Szuverén square, in an event in which the opposition demanded local elections as soon as possible.
Gyöngy Székély proposed István Horváth, a former member of the Messanic Democratic Party, as governor of Luykvár. Three days later, the Supreme Court authorized a government decree that created a 12-member interim council, which included Horváth to run the local government in Luykvár.
Many ministers and a few Keszarial Liberal Movement representatives had fled Köszövár, or even the country, and many government officials did as well. Gyöngy Székély, as acting president, had no options but to left many of the ministries in charge of minor political appointees and civil servants.
As the Keszarian police had become greatly disfunctional, at least in Köszövár, after many police chiefs had also left the city or their whereabouts were unknown, and many policemen decided not to attend to work, at least temporarily, fearing reprisals, General Pál Fülöp declared that the law enforcement would be in charge of the armed forces. Even before both chambers of the parliament voted for a seven-day state of emergency law, soldiers were patrolling the streets of Köszövár. While the start of the impeachment process against President Géza Békésy was enthusiastically received by the opposition and protesters, the militarization of the capital was also seen as a subtle threat that the armed forces were likely to intervene if either the government and opposition weren't able to reach an agreement or the state wasn't able to establish the order.
Despite the coming end of President Géza Békésy administration, unthinkable only a month ago, the opposition was not entirely optimistic about their prospects. After all, they lacked any real control regarding the legislative and the executive, which was still controlled by the Keszarian Liberal Movement. They did not trust Gyöngy Székély, but it was not likely that she could be replaced for someone better, and they chances to get to power were very limited right now. At the same time, however, join the government in the current circumstances had a serious risk, and therefore the National Committee of Democratic Restoration vowed to pressure for legislative and presidential elections instead.
Meamwhile, in Luykvár province, the situation threatened to turned ugly with forces loyal to governor David Donáth controlling most of the province, and actively supressing any kind of protest against the local government. The Armed Forces told Donáth to step down, but he rejected to do so, probably realizing that he would lose all power in case of a new administration took power. Luykvár para-military forces allegedly blown up several bridges to prevent any military incursion, while rumours of Lanlanian intervention increased -although this time seemed that it could be only in support of Köszövár government, as the Lanlanian government had gestured toward a recognition of Gyöngy Székély government.
However, opposition leaders in Köszövár and Vízdél were still in contact with their supporters in the province. Michael Szabó, a student from Luykvár who had been active in the protest movement in Vízdél, called for a general strike and a demonstration against Donáth local government on Nueva 26. That morning, a student demonstration was started from the regional university, only to be attacked by the local security forces loyal to Donáth a few minutes after they started to march outside the campus. Dozens of protsters were reportedly injured, and soon there were rumours that several students had been kidnapped by Donáth forces - which David Donáth himself denied in a television statement. However, the violent break up of peaceful demonstration by unarmed students proved a catalyst for even larger protests later on the same day. Several thousands protesters headed to the center district to Hondvárburg demanding David Donáth resignation. The local security tried to disperse violently the demonstration again, but this time they were forced to withdraw from the area.
Demonstration in Hondvárburg continued for another week, while there were rumours that General Fülöp had sent two military elite units toward the province. After a meeting with opposition representatives in the Castleon consulate in Hondvárburg, and after realizing that President Békésy was unable to mobilize support beyond Újnagyváros, Donáth seemed to realize he was in a dead end and announced his resignation. He fled to Ceribia that same night, while his main subordinates attempted to leave the city the next day.
When Donáth resignation was confirmed the next morning, opposition leader Lázár Kádár described the events in Hondvárburg as a "second but bloodless Keszarian revolution" in front of a crowd in Szuverén square, in an event in which the opposition demanded local elections as soon as possible.
Gyöngy Székély proposed István Horváth, a former member of the Messanic Democratic Party, as governor of Luykvár. Three days later, the Supreme Court authorized a government decree that created a 12-member interim council, which included Horváth to run the local government in Luykvár.