10-26-2018, 12:56 AM
Imperial Kingdom of Hôinôm | Vintyr, 1589
Representatives from rebel local political group were expected to meet nearby Hoa Lák, in the southeastern Sông Lôm province, in which a hundred of local leaders, anti-government activists, union members, and members of the recently formed anti-government militias were expected to gather and discuss a joint statement and strategy. A large number of them were members of the Hoinomese Nationalist Party.
The Hoinomese Nationalist Pary had been long preparing, not just for the meeting, for a political situation like this. The party had been banned for most of its existence, since the monarchist restoration, and their members persecuted by Hoinomese security forces, in some cases viciously, as it was during both monarchist restoration in the 1520s and the 1540s political crisis. The party, often considered nothing but a relic from the past, had achieved to survive.
However, the Nationalist Party had to face internal obstacles now that their chance had came. Trang Công Trai, the Hoinomese Nationalist Party for almost thirty years, had spent eighteen years in a Hoinomese prison and the rest of time in exile. Several other prominent members of the nationalist leadership had experienced a similar fate. When some of them were able to enter illegally the country in the last months, they could realize that the country had changed faster than they thought. Through the years, Trang Công Trai had assured his leadership with a combination of personal relations and loose ideology. As consequence, the party was divided in several factions, highly ideological but weak, and more importantly, between the exiled leadership and the underground activists inside Hôinôm. Some of those activist, such as Quân Công Trai and Liêu Hùu Dùng in Quang Cai, or Lâ Vân Quân in Tay Lahn, proved to be either effective organizers or charismatic leaders, although they lacked real power inside the party. However, they were able to take important decisions while some of the leaders of the party, such as Trang Công Trai, who was 71, had not entered Hôinôm yet.
Their ideological differences were important, but more practical ones became more obvious - specially the issue of Tieguo involvement fomenting unrest in Hôinôm, which could be both a blessing and a problem from the nationalist cause. Although the Hoinomese Nationalist Party had been created originally inspired by the Nationalist Party of Tieguo, relations between Tieguonese and Hoinomese nationalists had been often tense through history. Some Hoinomese militants, such as Lâ Vân Quàn seemed moderately welcoming of help from the Tieguonese government, while others believed that it was better to be careful of Tieguonese involvement, specially regarding the issue of Bhmer insurgency in the north. Despite this, most nationalist factions decided to do common cause regarding the coming conference in Sông Lôm, in order to gain influence in the increasing political crisis.
Finally, Prime Minister Quang Công Quang announced his resignation before the end of the month. Quang had lost the confidence of the Empress months ago, but more importantly, by the military leadership, which considered Quang's political clique too incompetent to carry out the decisive move that, in their view, the situation required. Quang Công Quang, Prime Minister since 1582 -and member of the national cabinet since 1579- was seen as good leader to rule in behalf of them but lacking the qualities to lead the state now.
Empress Hông favoured Thoung Thành Minh, former governor of Nam Dinh, of all candidates proposed by members of the National Assembly, but she desisted after meeting several prominent members of the parliament. The conservative and traditionalist majority in the National Assembly distrusted Thuong not because his political experience, but rather because he had served in Bûi Quang An's cabinet. The military leadership tried to play their own cards, pressuring for a member of the military faction in the National Assembly, but they seemed satisfied enough when Diêp Dùp Dùng, Minister of Foreign Affairs since 1582, and nephew of late Diêp Công Duông was proposed as Prime Minister.
Diêp Dùp Dùng become Prime Minister on Vintyr 25. Diêp, the longest-serving official in Hôi Luỳên, had the complicated task of saving the monarchy, about thirty forty years later than his uncle did. It was not going to be an easy task, but he had the enough experience as minister and former diplomat in Brigidna to give Hoinomese government enough credit, at home and abroad, to finish the present political crisis.
Representatives from rebel local political group were expected to meet nearby Hoa Lák, in the southeastern Sông Lôm province, in which a hundred of local leaders, anti-government activists, union members, and members of the recently formed anti-government militias were expected to gather and discuss a joint statement and strategy. A large number of them were members of the Hoinomese Nationalist Party.
The Hoinomese Nationalist Pary had been long preparing, not just for the meeting, for a political situation like this. The party had been banned for most of its existence, since the monarchist restoration, and their members persecuted by Hoinomese security forces, in some cases viciously, as it was during both monarchist restoration in the 1520s and the 1540s political crisis. The party, often considered nothing but a relic from the past, had achieved to survive.
However, the Nationalist Party had to face internal obstacles now that their chance had came. Trang Công Trai, the Hoinomese Nationalist Party for almost thirty years, had spent eighteen years in a Hoinomese prison and the rest of time in exile. Several other prominent members of the nationalist leadership had experienced a similar fate. When some of them were able to enter illegally the country in the last months, they could realize that the country had changed faster than they thought. Through the years, Trang Công Trai had assured his leadership with a combination of personal relations and loose ideology. As consequence, the party was divided in several factions, highly ideological but weak, and more importantly, between the exiled leadership and the underground activists inside Hôinôm. Some of those activist, such as Quân Công Trai and Liêu Hùu Dùng in Quang Cai, or Lâ Vân Quân in Tay Lahn, proved to be either effective organizers or charismatic leaders, although they lacked real power inside the party. However, they were able to take important decisions while some of the leaders of the party, such as Trang Công Trai, who was 71, had not entered Hôinôm yet.
Their ideological differences were important, but more practical ones became more obvious - specially the issue of Tieguo involvement fomenting unrest in Hôinôm, which could be both a blessing and a problem from the nationalist cause. Although the Hoinomese Nationalist Party had been created originally inspired by the Nationalist Party of Tieguo, relations between Tieguonese and Hoinomese nationalists had been often tense through history. Some Hoinomese militants, such as Lâ Vân Quàn seemed moderately welcoming of help from the Tieguonese government, while others believed that it was better to be careful of Tieguonese involvement, specially regarding the issue of Bhmer insurgency in the north. Despite this, most nationalist factions decided to do common cause regarding the coming conference in Sông Lôm, in order to gain influence in the increasing political crisis.
Finally, Prime Minister Quang Công Quang announced his resignation before the end of the month. Quang had lost the confidence of the Empress months ago, but more importantly, by the military leadership, which considered Quang's political clique too incompetent to carry out the decisive move that, in their view, the situation required. Quang Công Quang, Prime Minister since 1582 -and member of the national cabinet since 1579- was seen as good leader to rule in behalf of them but lacking the qualities to lead the state now.
Empress Hông favoured Thoung Thành Minh, former governor of Nam Dinh, of all candidates proposed by members of the National Assembly, but she desisted after meeting several prominent members of the parliament. The conservative and traditionalist majority in the National Assembly distrusted Thuong not because his political experience, but rather because he had served in Bûi Quang An's cabinet. The military leadership tried to play their own cards, pressuring for a member of the military faction in the National Assembly, but they seemed satisfied enough when Diêp Dùp Dùng, Minister of Foreign Affairs since 1582, and nephew of late Diêp Công Duông was proposed as Prime Minister.
Diêp Dùp Dùng become Prime Minister on Vintyr 25. Diêp, the longest-serving official in Hôi Luỳên, had the complicated task of saving the monarchy, about thirty forty years later than his uncle did. It was not going to be an easy task, but he had the enough experience as minister and former diplomat in Brigidna to give Hoinomese government enough credit, at home and abroad, to finish the present political crisis.