Eternity RPC Board
06-19-2018, 10:52 PM
The northern region -specially the provinces of Thung Sinh and Thung Giáu- had experienced an active insurgency against the Hoinomese state in the last decade, in most cases by nationalist and revolutionary groups of the Bhmer ethnic group. The region was barely affected by the famine and economic crisis, though, so the region remained calm compared to the capital city or the eastern and southern provinces.
The first demonstration in the region were small and relatively peaceful. “People’s Commitees” were formed in several provinces, but their demands were relatively moderate as well, calling for dialogue and a new state economic policy.
On Elva 14, however, an attempt by Hoinomese security forces to disperse a demonstration in Lùng Sinh, police fired indiscriminate warning shots above their heads, some of which went into the crowd. Although these shots seemed to pacify the demonstrators, twelve civilians were killed, including three women and a 10-year-old boy.
Several days later, demonstrators gathered in front of a jail in Thung Giàu, demanding the release of protesters that the police had arrested in the previous weeks. When some demonstrators started throwing rocks and subsequently rushed the jail, the police inside shot at them in a panic, killing twenty people. In response, unions called the government to take action against the police officers who fired on the crowd. Instead, 1,000 special forces were flown into the province, along with members of a far-right paramilitary groups created since Nghiêm Vàn Bào was appointed Minister of National Security. Although both the police and paramilitary groups employed violent and harsh tactics in their suppression of the locals, those armed gangs were specially ruthless. The disappearance of about 78 citizens, most of them belonging to the Bhmer minority, was attributed to those far-right groups. While this borderline terroristic actions failed to stop the protests, it increased tensions between ethnic Hôi and ethnic Bhmers. The Bhmer minority, while only 8% of Hôinôm population nationwide, was a large minority, or even a majority, in several northern provinces along the Tieguonese border.
Despite repression, or maybe as a consequence of the repression, violent crashes continued. Anti-government militants attacked government installations and engaged with police forces in open conflict. These engagements between Bhmer guerrillas against pro-government groups and police continued through Tolven.
On Tolven 18, a demonstration was called by Bhmer moderate groups demanding more autonomy for the northern provinces, and the recognition of Bhmer language as an official language in the Imperial Kingdom of Hôinôm. The demonstration was attended even by two ethnic Bhmer MP, and it was rather peaceful. The next days, however, crashes between police forces and protesters continued. On Tolven 22, a large number of armed anti-government Bhmer militants attacked government buildings as well as many police stations in the province, killing 20 police officers.
Prime Minister Quang Công Quang immeditaley ordered the deployment of military forces in the province. Bhmer nationalist forces retreated to their bases in the nearby forests and caves. On Tolven 27, a Hoinomese officer, an ethnic Bhmer, surprisingly abandoned his post, defected, and allegedly joined the Bhmer guerrillas. This caused many police and military officers, disillusioned by the atrocities they were ordered to commit against their own, to do the same. In response, Minister Bào ordered a purge of ethnic Bhmer from the ranks of the police. Several officers were reportedly executed after a military trial, accussed of sympathies toward the Bhmer terrorist groups.
Fighting spread to the province...and continued for the next weeks. The Bhmer guerrillas cut telephone lines, destroyed bridges, and blocked roads with piles of stones to disrupt communications. On Treizen 12, Prime Minister Quang Công Quang proclaimed martial law in order to quell the rebellion in the north. Local human rights activists denounced that armed forces and pro-government groups engaged in numerous war crimes, included alleged kidnappings, rape, and murder of teenage girls, and summary executions of Bhmer nationalist sympathizers.
On Treizen 24, the guerrillas launched one offensive against government forces. They caused many casualties but were beated back by the military forces and driven to the forests again. Pro-government militias pursued the guerrillas and continued to commit atrocities, including rounding up whole villages and killing civilians. Before the end of the month, 747 guerrilla militants and 947 were allegedly killed.
On Vintyr 10, rebel forces were able to regroup and attacked the province of Vân Duông. Government forces were surprised and they were ambushed by the Bhmer guerrilla. More than 300 soldiers and policemen died, and several Hoinomese officers were executed. The action was claimed by the Bhmer Democratic Front, a recently created rebel force. They were reportedly heavily armed, and they were able to resist a counter-attack by government forces.
Before government forces could send further help, other Bhmer groups launched an offensive in nearby provinces, resulting in deaths of at least 100 civilians and displacing many residents of the area. On Vintyr 21, the Bhmer Democratic Front launched a heavy artillery attack on Vân Duông. And then moved in, gaining control of the town.
Hôi Luỳen, Imperial Kingdom of Hôinôm
“It is always a pleasure to be your guest, Your Imperial Majesty”, Huỳn Công Viên said, who couldn’t help that empress, despite wearing a baggy dress, her waistline seemed to have relatively expanded since the last time Viên saw her. “How is everything going in the palace?”.
“Everything is quite calm here”, Empress Hông answered. “Maybe too calm”.
“Understandable”, Huỳn Công Viên replied. “But it’s probably better this way”.
“It’s a disaster”, Empress Hông said. “I...we shouldn’t have allowed things to go this far. And Prime Minister Quang still pretends everything is under control”.
“Unfortunately, the Prime Minister is not always to sounds convincing, I agree”, Huỳn Công Viên replied, “but his position is the right one. There is not doubt about it, Your Imperial Majesty. There is no alternative”.
“There is always an alternative!”, the Empress said. “Your may disagree with me, but we achieve it the last time. There is always room to negotiate an alternative. We have been too slow, too inactive in the last years”.
“When crowds get too excited, they won’t listen to even the most reasonable and rational offer, if such offer could be made”, Huỳn Công Viên replied. “Only a clean cut will be able to save us, Your Imperial Majesty. It’s not a secret that my opinion is that such a move should have be done then, when the situation was not that serious and we retained the initiative. Now it may be too late for such a move. But let’s hope that is not the case”.
“I thought about it”, Empress Hông said. “We need to take the initiative. A new government and elections could help. Some promises could, at least, to calm the situation for a while”.
“I’m afraid it’s too late”, Huỳn Công Viên said. “The multitude is too emotional, and unfortunately they have probably been spoiled lately. A change of government, calling for new elections, or even mild promises, will only weak the government and the state, Your Imperial Majesty. Weakness would be deadly in such circumstances. It is not clear who could replace [Prime Minister] Quang in the current circumstances. It wouldn’t be much a difference or it would be rather a head of government with clear support from the legislative body, and therefore only weakening the state. If we moved toward such a path, it would be better to directly suspend the parliament...but it is unclear what kind of message would send that. History shows us that only the sword works in terrible circumstances like this”.
“The solution may be terrible that the problem then”, Hông replied.
“I recommend you to visit Nam Dinh and stay there with your family for a while, Your Imperial Majesty”, Huỳn Công Viên said. “Things will be calmer there”.
Meanwhile, not far from there, in another government building in the historical district of Hôi Luỳên, two faces suddenly found each other after a long time.
“It’s been a long time since the last time we met, general”, said Nghiêm Vàn Bào, the controversial new Minister of National Security. “I’m not even sure if you were a general back then”.
“It could be so”, Bûi Thành Quyên replied.
"The Prime Minister told me that you will be sent to the north in order to crush the terrorist forces", Nghiêm Vàn Bào said. "I wish you good luck in such task. There should be no mercy for them. I hope this will soon end".
"Thank you, minister", Bûi Thành Quyên replied. "I hope that will be the case, indeed".
The first demonstration in the region were small and relatively peaceful. “People’s Commitees” were formed in several provinces, but their demands were relatively moderate as well, calling for dialogue and a new state economic policy.
On Elva 14, however, an attempt by Hoinomese security forces to disperse a demonstration in Lùng Sinh, police fired indiscriminate warning shots above their heads, some of which went into the crowd. Although these shots seemed to pacify the demonstrators, twelve civilians were killed, including three women and a 10-year-old boy.
Several days later, demonstrators gathered in front of a jail in Thung Giàu, demanding the release of protesters that the police had arrested in the previous weeks. When some demonstrators started throwing rocks and subsequently rushed the jail, the police inside shot at them in a panic, killing twenty people. In response, unions called the government to take action against the police officers who fired on the crowd. Instead, 1,000 special forces were flown into the province, along with members of a far-right paramilitary groups created since Nghiêm Vàn Bào was appointed Minister of National Security. Although both the police and paramilitary groups employed violent and harsh tactics in their suppression of the locals, those armed gangs were specially ruthless. The disappearance of about 78 citizens, most of them belonging to the Bhmer minority, was attributed to those far-right groups. While this borderline terroristic actions failed to stop the protests, it increased tensions between ethnic Hôi and ethnic Bhmers. The Bhmer minority, while only 8% of Hôinôm population nationwide, was a large minority, or even a majority, in several northern provinces along the Tieguonese border.
Despite repression, or maybe as a consequence of the repression, violent crashes continued. Anti-government militants attacked government installations and engaged with police forces in open conflict. These engagements between Bhmer guerrillas against pro-government groups and police continued through Tolven.
On Tolven 18, a demonstration was called by Bhmer moderate groups demanding more autonomy for the northern provinces, and the recognition of Bhmer language as an official language in the Imperial Kingdom of Hôinôm. The demonstration was attended even by two ethnic Bhmer MP, and it was rather peaceful. The next days, however, crashes between police forces and protesters continued. On Tolven 22, a large number of armed anti-government Bhmer militants attacked government buildings as well as many police stations in the province, killing 20 police officers.
Prime Minister Quang Công Quang immeditaley ordered the deployment of military forces in the province. Bhmer nationalist forces retreated to their bases in the nearby forests and caves. On Tolven 27, a Hoinomese officer, an ethnic Bhmer, surprisingly abandoned his post, defected, and allegedly joined the Bhmer guerrillas. This caused many police and military officers, disillusioned by the atrocities they were ordered to commit against their own, to do the same. In response, Minister Bào ordered a purge of ethnic Bhmer from the ranks of the police. Several officers were reportedly executed after a military trial, accussed of sympathies toward the Bhmer terrorist groups.
Fighting spread to the province...and continued for the next weeks. The Bhmer guerrillas cut telephone lines, destroyed bridges, and blocked roads with piles of stones to disrupt communications. On Treizen 12, Prime Minister Quang Công Quang proclaimed martial law in order to quell the rebellion in the north. Local human rights activists denounced that armed forces and pro-government groups engaged in numerous war crimes, included alleged kidnappings, rape, and murder of teenage girls, and summary executions of Bhmer nationalist sympathizers.
On Treizen 24, the guerrillas launched one offensive against government forces. They caused many casualties but were beated back by the military forces and driven to the forests again. Pro-government militias pursued the guerrillas and continued to commit atrocities, including rounding up whole villages and killing civilians. Before the end of the month, 747 guerrilla militants and 947 were allegedly killed.
On Vintyr 10, rebel forces were able to regroup and attacked the province of Vân Duông. Government forces were surprised and they were ambushed by the Bhmer guerrilla. More than 300 soldiers and policemen died, and several Hoinomese officers were executed. The action was claimed by the Bhmer Democratic Front, a recently created rebel force. They were reportedly heavily armed, and they were able to resist a counter-attack by government forces.
Before government forces could send further help, other Bhmer groups launched an offensive in nearby provinces, resulting in deaths of at least 100 civilians and displacing many residents of the area. On Vintyr 21, the Bhmer Democratic Front launched a heavy artillery attack on Vân Duông. And then moved in, gaining control of the town.
Hôi Luỳen, Imperial Kingdom of Hôinôm
“It is always a pleasure to be your guest, Your Imperial Majesty”, Huỳn Công Viên said, who couldn’t help that empress, despite wearing a baggy dress, her waistline seemed to have relatively expanded since the last time Viên saw her. “How is everything going in the palace?”.
“Everything is quite calm here”, Empress Hông answered. “Maybe too calm”.
“Understandable”, Huỳn Công Viên replied. “But it’s probably better this way”.
“It’s a disaster”, Empress Hông said. “I...we shouldn’t have allowed things to go this far. And Prime Minister Quang still pretends everything is under control”.
“Unfortunately, the Prime Minister is not always to sounds convincing, I agree”, Huỳn Công Viên replied, “but his position is the right one. There is not doubt about it, Your Imperial Majesty. There is no alternative”.
“There is always an alternative!”, the Empress said. “Your may disagree with me, but we achieve it the last time. There is always room to negotiate an alternative. We have been too slow, too inactive in the last years”.
“When crowds get too excited, they won’t listen to even the most reasonable and rational offer, if such offer could be made”, Huỳn Công Viên replied. “Only a clean cut will be able to save us, Your Imperial Majesty. It’s not a secret that my opinion is that such a move should have be done then, when the situation was not that serious and we retained the initiative. Now it may be too late for such a move. But let’s hope that is not the case”.
“I thought about it”, Empress Hông said. “We need to take the initiative. A new government and elections could help. Some promises could, at least, to calm the situation for a while”.
“I’m afraid it’s too late”, Huỳn Công Viên said. “The multitude is too emotional, and unfortunately they have probably been spoiled lately. A change of government, calling for new elections, or even mild promises, will only weak the government and the state, Your Imperial Majesty. Weakness would be deadly in such circumstances. It is not clear who could replace [Prime Minister] Quang in the current circumstances. It wouldn’t be much a difference or it would be rather a head of government with clear support from the legislative body, and therefore only weakening the state. If we moved toward such a path, it would be better to directly suspend the parliament...but it is unclear what kind of message would send that. History shows us that only the sword works in terrible circumstances like this”.
“The solution may be terrible that the problem then”, Hông replied.
“I recommend you to visit Nam Dinh and stay there with your family for a while, Your Imperial Majesty”, Huỳn Công Viên said. “Things will be calmer there”.
Meanwhile, not far from there, in another government building in the historical district of Hôi Luỳên, two faces suddenly found each other after a long time.
“It’s been a long time since the last time we met, general”, said Nghiêm Vàn Bào, the controversial new Minister of National Security. “I’m not even sure if you were a general back then”.
“It could be so”, Bûi Thành Quyên replied.
"The Prime Minister told me that you will be sent to the north in order to crush the terrorist forces", Nghiêm Vàn Bào said. "I wish you good luck in such task. There should be no mercy for them. I hope this will soon end".
"Thank you, minister", Bûi Thành Quyên replied. "I hope that will be the case, indeed".