Eternity RPC Board
06-21-2017, 01:56 AM
Tolven 1584 | National Assembly, Hôi Luỳên
While the country experienced an unexpected calm months during the Women’s World Cup and the previous months, social peace broke into pieces as soon as the memories of the international tournament faded away -which did not last despite the improving results of the Hôinômese national team. Strikes, ethnic tensions, and violence surged nationwide. The month of Elva ended with a successful 266-daystrike by the Union of Service Workers in Nam Dinh -the longest working class conflict in Hôinôm’s history- which resulted with the Chât’ân Mòn Corporation accepting most of the demands of the workers, which was seen as an ominious sign in Hôi Luỳên.
However, the weak and divided opposition did not cause Prime Quang Công Quang much problems as compared with the lawmakers who allegedly were supporting his government. The so-called “Monarchist Right” and “Traditionalist” groups in the National Assembly, which were not organized factions but were certainly quite rowdy in the main pro-government newspapers, was becoming more inflexible and demanding as months go by. Although the promised “Bill of Rights” had not progressed much in the last months, they demand a shift of policy in order to strengthen state institutions and crush social unrest. Paradoxically, some of the far-rightist MP were openly calling for ending the “parliamentary experiment”.
It was being a lively but disruptive session in the National Assembly. The parliamentary session started with the discussion of a bill which proposed giving the national government special powers to “fight terrorism and disruptions of the social order” through allowing to the government to suspend the habeas corpus -only recently established- and the reestablishment of military courts.
After the intervention of Cao Vân Quyên, an uproar in the assembly followed. Quyên, was a MP from Nam Dinh, the wealthiest and most cosmopolitan city of the Kingdom. He came from a long political dinasty, and his own father had been arrested after the failed liberal revolution of 1549 for which he spent a few years in jail. Quyên had been one of the prominent members of the “Modernizers”, as a group of ministers, lawmakers and journalists were called, renowned for their support of Prime Minister Bûi Quang An. Unlike the idealist generation of his father, Cao Vân Quyên and other An’s political allies were not exactly interested in a radical transformation of the country, but rather in a gradual modernization through structural reforms and the rule of law. But the 1581 elections, called by the old electoral system which assured a large number of seats to the ancient nobility, had been disappointed, Prime Minister Bûi Quang An and his political allies -even including the most staunch constitutionalist MPs- had obtained only about thirty seats of 222, being unnumbered by Conservative and Hard-Right representatives. Prime Minister Bûi Quang An had to fight every reform in a hostile legislature and we was force to resign in 1581.
An was replaced as Prime Minister by Quang Công Quang, and although the new government was not as reactionary as it could have expected, most of the reforms started by An’s government had been slowed, neutered, or even reversed and repealed. Quyên had tried to cooperate at first with Prime Minister Quang Công Quang’s closest supporters in the assembly, but he ended instead coming to closer terms with the small group of liberal minded MPs, as the new government enjoyed a large majority and was not exactly interested to waste time with the core supporters and ministers of the previous administration.
Once the mood in the assembly seemed calm, Huỳn Công Viên approached the stand. Viên, the youngest son of a well-known nobility family, was elected to the National Assembly by one of the seats reserved to the ancient nobility. He was informally affiliated with the so-called “Monarchist Right”, an heterodox group of monarchist and reactionary MPs. Although political parties were not allowed in the Imperial Kingdom of Hôinôm, but ideological groupings were tolerated as far as they lacked a formal organization. Huỳn Công Viên was considered an independent-minded MP, considered close to former Prime Minister Diêp Công Duông, and a talented -although controversial- speaker.
“My estimated members of the National Assembly”, Huŷn Công Viên said from the stand. “Mr. Cao Vân Quyên has lectured us with a long and detailed speech, and although we have already experienced a long session today, I feel compelled to answer such witty and daring words”.
“In an act of unaware sincerity, maybe”, Viên continued, “but likely in good faith, Mr. Quyên confessed us from this same podium that he has often wondered about the truth of his own ideas and principles, as such ideas had been defeated once and once again. I’m sure that Mr. Quyên is right on this issue, if he was able to ponder calmly about it then he should agree with me. Those ideas can never be on power for long because they are ideas of opposition and not ideas of government. They are roteen, infertile, and disastrous ideas, which should be fought until they are buried for good by all necessary means!”. Grumble and applause followed, until the Speaker of the Assembly was able to reign silence again.
“Mr. Quyên is not a boring speaker, I concede that”, Viên continued once the chamber was silent enough again. “He discusses both principles and facts, and he likes to lectures us how the latter relate to the former. For example, when discussing foreign policy, he talked for long his liberal ideology judge recent events in Brigidna, Svarna Surya, Mayari, Singan. And when he talked us about domestic affairs, the discussed in detail the principles of his movement; its achievement in recent years, the errors it made and the opposition that it found; and the virtuous and prosperous future he is planning for all us. Some may find such speeches tedious and unpractical, but I must disagree with you, estimated representatives”. Laughs and murmurs followed.
“I believe I do justice to Mr. Quyên if I summarize his speech on domestic policy in just one word: legality. The law as the highest political ideal, always the legality, the legality above every circumstance. While I agree that rule of law is an honourable principle and that order must be respected, I can not follow blindly such well-meaning principle. It is my opinion that laws are established for the well-being of the nation, and that the well-being of the nation can not be sacrificed to the law. So I must correct Mr. Quyên: it is not the law but the nation the highest political idea, first and always the nation, the nation above every circumstance. If the law is enough to save the nation, then the law; when it’s not enough, then it is time for the dictatorship”. Noisy hissings and timid applauses followed.
“Yes, I am aware that such is a terrible word”, Viên quickly added, “although not as terrible as that other word, revolution. I can assure that ambition and greed do not move me to utter such words, as I do not hope to replace Prime Minister Quang or any of the ministers. I can not serve the nation better than I do in this assembly – which may not be enough, but it is all I aspire to for the moment. But it is my duty as member of this assembly to advice the government to choose the best path for the well-being of the nation, and this path -in my humble opinion- can only be the a government able to impose order by all means necessary. In the present times when property is not respected; when the mob threatens the policeman; the son questions the father, the pupil question the teacher, the worker questions the government and, heaven does not allow it, the ignorant questions the monarch, it is time for dictatorship able to strengthen the pillars of society. In such circumstances, the dictatorship is not only a legitimate government, but a good, rational, and necessary one”.
“I hear the noise from the chamber and I can understand it quite well”, Viên continued. “Mr. Quyên, along his fellow well-meaning and liberal representatives, likely believes that I am exaggerating, that the situation can not be that dire. However, they do not understand society and history if they think so. The revolution always comes like death: suddenly. While I am not old enough to remember it, when one reads newspapers during the 1549 revolution one can realize that nobody was expecting such awful times which spiller river of bloods. Nobody expected the 1579 events either, a tragic but small event which is the main cause that we are gathering in this hall today. Patience is a great virtue, but it can be an unpardonable weakness as well. During the last week, we could discuss in detail the situation in Svarna Surya, and members of the government shared their views and proposals on this issue. Some easily excited fellow representatives, shouted about the need -in a justified but improper style- of burning that country to teach a lesson to the region. No! That country is already burning! Naive and idealist ideologues see the society crumbling and they ask for more openess and political reforms…Can’t you see what similar reforms and principles produced south to our country’s borders? Not a crumbling society but a damned and rotten nation. If they can not be convinced with words, it is time the government shows how wrong their principles are with ruthless governmental actions”.
“But as you may still remember -if you listened attentively enough-, Mr. Quyên warned us that there are revolutions because the people -wrongfully or not- feel that there is injustice and unfairness, that can only be solved through more lawful legality. And yesterday, Mr. Mông, the champion of the progressive movement in this chamber explained us that bread and democracy are the antidote to every revolutionary movement. ‘Feed the people and the social order will be restored’, that seems the idiotic principle of the progressive movement...Such claim goes against history and reason. No, estimated members of this assembly, no revolution has ever been done by the oppressed and starving masses. Every revolution, in all countries and continents, has always been motivated by greed and ambition, not by poverty. The revolutions are always caused and led by the elite and the middle classes, not by the people. The origin of every revolutionary movement can only be found in the overexcited lust of the ignorant masses, who are manipulated by the greedy politicians who aims to become in the new ruling elite. ‘You will be like kings’, such was the principle of the revolt of the nobility against a weak monarch; ‘You will live like the nobility’, that is the axiom of the revolutions by the merchant class against the ancient nobility; ‘You will live like the rich’, such is the cry of war by the communist scumbags…It is time to save the nation more pain by getting rid of such garrulous and mountebanks”.
“Let me add a few more words”, Viên added, while applause were still resounding in half of the assembly. "Mr. Quyên and his liberal comrades see chaos everywhere and they preach us about the need for more political reforms, more freedom, and more parliamentary committees. Can’t they see how are those nations doing with all those constitutional government, all those lawful political parties, and licentiousness to all nations nearby us? Where are they going with their sovereign parliaments, always guided by the ignorant masses; their lawful governments, unable to govern; and their inviolable kings, which are not respected anymore?”.
“It is not a nice future which other -worse governed and less fortunate- nations are showing us. Mr. Quyên is wrong, we are not choosing between noble freedom and shameful dictatorship. If that was the choice, maybe I would be on Mr. Quyên’s side. No, that’s not the choice. We are choosing today between the dictatorship of the revolt and the dictatorship of the government; in that case, I choose the latter, which is less shaming and more productive”.
“Honourable members of the assembly”, Huỳn Công Viên continued, “if we have to choose a dictatorship from above and a dictatorship from below, then there should be no doubt, we must choose the dictatorship from above. It is a more rational and healthy form of government, even Mr. Quyên should agree, if he is not blinded by his noble principles. There is no third alternative, it is time to choose between a strong and stable government and mob rule. We are choosing today between the dictatorship of the dagger and the dictatorship of the sword. I choose the latter, because it is more brave and noble. Still, I predict that we will be divided on this issue, Mr. Quyên. You, as usual, you will choose the popular option; while we, estimated members of the assembly, will vote the only reasonable and healthy one”.
A long applause resounded in the chamber, only followed by a chaotic brawl between several MPs. Muong Dùc Lành, one of the few MPs who dared to call themselves “Democrats”, ended with his nose bleeding. The Speaker of the Assembly, with limited success, called to order be respected again.
A 30-minute break was called. The National Assembly ended supporting the proposal, with a final 157-48 vote.
While the country experienced an unexpected calm months during the Women’s World Cup and the previous months, social peace broke into pieces as soon as the memories of the international tournament faded away -which did not last despite the improving results of the Hôinômese national team. Strikes, ethnic tensions, and violence surged nationwide. The month of Elva ended with a successful 266-daystrike by the Union of Service Workers in Nam Dinh -the longest working class conflict in Hôinôm’s history- which resulted with the Chât’ân Mòn Corporation accepting most of the demands of the workers, which was seen as an ominious sign in Hôi Luỳên.
However, the weak and divided opposition did not cause Prime Quang Công Quang much problems as compared with the lawmakers who allegedly were supporting his government. The so-called “Monarchist Right” and “Traditionalist” groups in the National Assembly, which were not organized factions but were certainly quite rowdy in the main pro-government newspapers, was becoming more inflexible and demanding as months go by. Although the promised “Bill of Rights” had not progressed much in the last months, they demand a shift of policy in order to strengthen state institutions and crush social unrest. Paradoxically, some of the far-rightist MP were openly calling for ending the “parliamentary experiment”.
It was being a lively but disruptive session in the National Assembly. The parliamentary session started with the discussion of a bill which proposed giving the national government special powers to “fight terrorism and disruptions of the social order” through allowing to the government to suspend the habeas corpus -only recently established- and the reestablishment of military courts.
After the intervention of Cao Vân Quyên, an uproar in the assembly followed. Quyên, was a MP from Nam Dinh, the wealthiest and most cosmopolitan city of the Kingdom. He came from a long political dinasty, and his own father had been arrested after the failed liberal revolution of 1549 for which he spent a few years in jail. Quyên had been one of the prominent members of the “Modernizers”, as a group of ministers, lawmakers and journalists were called, renowned for their support of Prime Minister Bûi Quang An. Unlike the idealist generation of his father, Cao Vân Quyên and other An’s political allies were not exactly interested in a radical transformation of the country, but rather in a gradual modernization through structural reforms and the rule of law. But the 1581 elections, called by the old electoral system which assured a large number of seats to the ancient nobility, had been disappointed, Prime Minister Bûi Quang An and his political allies -even including the most staunch constitutionalist MPs- had obtained only about thirty seats of 222, being unnumbered by Conservative and Hard-Right representatives. Prime Minister Bûi Quang An had to fight every reform in a hostile legislature and we was force to resign in 1581.
An was replaced as Prime Minister by Quang Công Quang, and although the new government was not as reactionary as it could have expected, most of the reforms started by An’s government had been slowed, neutered, or even reversed and repealed. Quyên had tried to cooperate at first with Prime Minister Quang Công Quang’s closest supporters in the assembly, but he ended instead coming to closer terms with the small group of liberal minded MPs, as the new government enjoyed a large majority and was not exactly interested to waste time with the core supporters and ministers of the previous administration.
Once the mood in the assembly seemed calm, Huỳn Công Viên approached the stand. Viên, the youngest son of a well-known nobility family, was elected to the National Assembly by one of the seats reserved to the ancient nobility. He was informally affiliated with the so-called “Monarchist Right”, an heterodox group of monarchist and reactionary MPs. Although political parties were not allowed in the Imperial Kingdom of Hôinôm, but ideological groupings were tolerated as far as they lacked a formal organization. Huỳn Công Viên was considered an independent-minded MP, considered close to former Prime Minister Diêp Công Duông, and a talented -although controversial- speaker.
“My estimated members of the National Assembly”, Huŷn Công Viên said from the stand. “Mr. Cao Vân Quyên has lectured us with a long and detailed speech, and although we have already experienced a long session today, I feel compelled to answer such witty and daring words”.
“In an act of unaware sincerity, maybe”, Viên continued, “but likely in good faith, Mr. Quyên confessed us from this same podium that he has often wondered about the truth of his own ideas and principles, as such ideas had been defeated once and once again. I’m sure that Mr. Quyên is right on this issue, if he was able to ponder calmly about it then he should agree with me. Those ideas can never be on power for long because they are ideas of opposition and not ideas of government. They are roteen, infertile, and disastrous ideas, which should be fought until they are buried for good by all necessary means!”. Grumble and applause followed, until the Speaker of the Assembly was able to reign silence again.
“Mr. Quyên is not a boring speaker, I concede that”, Viên continued once the chamber was silent enough again. “He discusses both principles and facts, and he likes to lectures us how the latter relate to the former. For example, when discussing foreign policy, he talked for long his liberal ideology judge recent events in Brigidna, Svarna Surya, Mayari, Singan. And when he talked us about domestic affairs, the discussed in detail the principles of his movement; its achievement in recent years, the errors it made and the opposition that it found; and the virtuous and prosperous future he is planning for all us. Some may find such speeches tedious and unpractical, but I must disagree with you, estimated representatives”. Laughs and murmurs followed.
“I believe I do justice to Mr. Quyên if I summarize his speech on domestic policy in just one word: legality. The law as the highest political ideal, always the legality, the legality above every circumstance. While I agree that rule of law is an honourable principle and that order must be respected, I can not follow blindly such well-meaning principle. It is my opinion that laws are established for the well-being of the nation, and that the well-being of the nation can not be sacrificed to the law. So I must correct Mr. Quyên: it is not the law but the nation the highest political idea, first and always the nation, the nation above every circumstance. If the law is enough to save the nation, then the law; when it’s not enough, then it is time for the dictatorship”. Noisy hissings and timid applauses followed.
“Yes, I am aware that such is a terrible word”, Viên quickly added, “although not as terrible as that other word, revolution. I can assure that ambition and greed do not move me to utter such words, as I do not hope to replace Prime Minister Quang or any of the ministers. I can not serve the nation better than I do in this assembly – which may not be enough, but it is all I aspire to for the moment. But it is my duty as member of this assembly to advice the government to choose the best path for the well-being of the nation, and this path -in my humble opinion- can only be the a government able to impose order by all means necessary. In the present times when property is not respected; when the mob threatens the policeman; the son questions the father, the pupil question the teacher, the worker questions the government and, heaven does not allow it, the ignorant questions the monarch, it is time for dictatorship able to strengthen the pillars of society. In such circumstances, the dictatorship is not only a legitimate government, but a good, rational, and necessary one”.
“I hear the noise from the chamber and I can understand it quite well”, Viên continued. “Mr. Quyên, along his fellow well-meaning and liberal representatives, likely believes that I am exaggerating, that the situation can not be that dire. However, they do not understand society and history if they think so. The revolution always comes like death: suddenly. While I am not old enough to remember it, when one reads newspapers during the 1549 revolution one can realize that nobody was expecting such awful times which spiller river of bloods. Nobody expected the 1579 events either, a tragic but small event which is the main cause that we are gathering in this hall today. Patience is a great virtue, but it can be an unpardonable weakness as well. During the last week, we could discuss in detail the situation in Svarna Surya, and members of the government shared their views and proposals on this issue. Some easily excited fellow representatives, shouted about the need -in a justified but improper style- of burning that country to teach a lesson to the region. No! That country is already burning! Naive and idealist ideologues see the society crumbling and they ask for more openess and political reforms…Can’t you see what similar reforms and principles produced south to our country’s borders? Not a crumbling society but a damned and rotten nation. If they can not be convinced with words, it is time the government shows how wrong their principles are with ruthless governmental actions”.
“But as you may still remember -if you listened attentively enough-, Mr. Quyên warned us that there are revolutions because the people -wrongfully or not- feel that there is injustice and unfairness, that can only be solved through more lawful legality. And yesterday, Mr. Mông, the champion of the progressive movement in this chamber explained us that bread and democracy are the antidote to every revolutionary movement. ‘Feed the people and the social order will be restored’, that seems the idiotic principle of the progressive movement...Such claim goes against history and reason. No, estimated members of this assembly, no revolution has ever been done by the oppressed and starving masses. Every revolution, in all countries and continents, has always been motivated by greed and ambition, not by poverty. The revolutions are always caused and led by the elite and the middle classes, not by the people. The origin of every revolutionary movement can only be found in the overexcited lust of the ignorant masses, who are manipulated by the greedy politicians who aims to become in the new ruling elite. ‘You will be like kings’, such was the principle of the revolt of the nobility against a weak monarch; ‘You will live like the nobility’, that is the axiom of the revolutions by the merchant class against the ancient nobility; ‘You will live like the rich’, such is the cry of war by the communist scumbags…It is time to save the nation more pain by getting rid of such garrulous and mountebanks”.
“Let me add a few more words”, Viên added, while applause were still resounding in half of the assembly. "Mr. Quyên and his liberal comrades see chaos everywhere and they preach us about the need for more political reforms, more freedom, and more parliamentary committees. Can’t they see how are those nations doing with all those constitutional government, all those lawful political parties, and licentiousness to all nations nearby us? Where are they going with their sovereign parliaments, always guided by the ignorant masses; their lawful governments, unable to govern; and their inviolable kings, which are not respected anymore?”.
“It is not a nice future which other -worse governed and less fortunate- nations are showing us. Mr. Quyên is wrong, we are not choosing between noble freedom and shameful dictatorship. If that was the choice, maybe I would be on Mr. Quyên’s side. No, that’s not the choice. We are choosing today between the dictatorship of the revolt and the dictatorship of the government; in that case, I choose the latter, which is less shaming and more productive”.
“Honourable members of the assembly”, Huỳn Công Viên continued, “if we have to choose a dictatorship from above and a dictatorship from below, then there should be no doubt, we must choose the dictatorship from above. It is a more rational and healthy form of government, even Mr. Quyên should agree, if he is not blinded by his noble principles. There is no third alternative, it is time to choose between a strong and stable government and mob rule. We are choosing today between the dictatorship of the dagger and the dictatorship of the sword. I choose the latter, because it is more brave and noble. Still, I predict that we will be divided on this issue, Mr. Quyên. You, as usual, you will choose the popular option; while we, estimated members of the assembly, will vote the only reasonable and healthy one”.
A long applause resounded in the chamber, only followed by a chaotic brawl between several MPs. Muong Dùc Lành, one of the few MPs who dared to call themselves “Democrats”, ended with his nose bleeding. The Speaker of the Assembly, with limited success, called to order be respected again.
A 30-minute break was called. The National Assembly ended supporting the proposal, with a final 157-48 vote.