Eternity RPC Board
02-02-2017, 03:14 PM
Tuesday, 17 Treizen, 1581
Vien, Volta
Today was another day, and the protesters would continue their plans. Again, the gathered early in the morning, this time numbering a little more than 1,000. Again, they marched into the political square. This time there was a noticeable increase in police presence, but the police allowed the protesters to continue unimpeded. Heck, sometimes the police seemed to help the protesters. When the protesters wanted to cross a large street, the police helped redirect traffic so as to ensure that nobody was hurt. A few people were probably inconvenienced from that, and the protesters offered an apology to those inconvenienced. However, they pressed on, reaching the political square by noon.
Anyone watching the scene would also see something that had not been seen before in Voltan history - some protesters carried with them smartphones and others carried laptops. They took photos and videos of the march. Should someone visit Voltan social media, they would find footage of the protests uploaded. Some would find blogs updated live from the protests. This was something new for Volta, for the first time citizen journalists were operating. Had it not been for the relaxing of censorship under Chancellor Ernst Krenz, this wouldn't have been possible.
But why were the protesters doing this? Simple - the biggest media networks in Volta were still government operated. There was no chance that they would cover the protests. So the protesters simply came up with an alternative method of disseminating the news.
When news of this march reached Ernst Krenz, he was concerned. He wasn't angry at the protesters, but more because this was an unexpected occurrence. He was grateful that the protesters supported him, but he was having a hard time keeping the hardliners in the Party at bay as it was. This would only add to that difficulty. Yet Krenz knew that for the reforms in Volta to succeed, the protests must be allowed to continue.
It was for that reason that Wilhelm Mielke was starting to become a bigger and bigger thorn in Krenz's side. With the second day of protests, Mielke demanded to be allowed to send in the police and crush the protests. The only reason Mielke didn't get what he wanted was because Krenz threatened to sign a counter-order instructing police to stand down and allow the protests to continue should Mielke do that.
Mielke had stormed out, and Krenz could tell he was growing angrier and angrier by the minute. Krenz knew that he had to do something to get the protests under control, something to keep them from getting out of hand. He wasn't worried about the protesters doing anything, no Krenz was worried about the hardliners in the Party doing something catastrophic in a desperate attempt to stay in power.
So, Krenz took out his pen and began writing a memo. This memo would be delivered to the Vien City Police. Krenz would also have state-run media publish this memo, and state that this was in response to "small patriotic demonstrations". They wouldn't acknowledge the protests any more than that. And so, Krenz got writing.
Once that statement was made, he sent it off to the relevant people. It would be published in a Vien-exclusive newspaper, and even then only in print, alongside the short article. A single copy would also be given to the leaders of the demonstrators. Finally, copies would be distributed to key members of the government, to ensure that everyone knew what was happening and no surprises would be had.
With that done, Krenz moved on to finishing his preparations. The next day he would be heading to Carpathia for a diplomatic visit, and he wanted to make sure that he was prepared.
When Wilhelm received the memo, he was furious. This was the last straw, in his view the Chancellor was destroying everything that Volta stood for. By allowing dissent, by loosening government control, by making the power of the hardliners weaker, Wilhelm believed the Chancellor was allowing reactionary forces to gain influence. Not to mention that his own position was in jeopardy.
Knowing that the Chancellor would leave for Carpathia the next day, Wilhelm quietly got into contact with his key allies, all party hardliners who objected to the reforms. He plotted with them, this would be where they make a difference. This would be when they saved Volta from the reactionary and traitorous agenda of Ernst Krenz, and save their own butts in the process.
When news of the memo reached the protesters, they were stunned. They saw it in an article written by Christel Schäfer in The Vien Times, a newspaper that only published in the city of Vien. The Chancellor had heard them, and though he didn't explicitly endorse the protests, he acknowledged their statements! This was truly a major turning point for them, indeed. Emboldened, they continued their demonstration and modified their plans a little.
Protesters went home at sunset, and they would return to protest. However, what was a peaceful march would morph into an occupation of Rudolf Thälmann Platz, a town square that was the center of many pro-communist gatherings before the Revolution. However, they had no intensions of being violent. They would simply go there and set up tents and signs, and use it as a center for their demonstrations. They hoped to keep everything peaceful and respectful, just as the Chancellor had asked.
Vien, Volta
Today was another day, and the protesters would continue their plans. Again, the gathered early in the morning, this time numbering a little more than 1,000. Again, they marched into the political square. This time there was a noticeable increase in police presence, but the police allowed the protesters to continue unimpeded. Heck, sometimes the police seemed to help the protesters. When the protesters wanted to cross a large street, the police helped redirect traffic so as to ensure that nobody was hurt. A few people were probably inconvenienced from that, and the protesters offered an apology to those inconvenienced. However, they pressed on, reaching the political square by noon.
Anyone watching the scene would also see something that had not been seen before in Voltan history - some protesters carried with them smartphones and others carried laptops. They took photos and videos of the march. Should someone visit Voltan social media, they would find footage of the protests uploaded. Some would find blogs updated live from the protests. This was something new for Volta, for the first time citizen journalists were operating. Had it not been for the relaxing of censorship under Chancellor Ernst Krenz, this wouldn't have been possible.
But why were the protesters doing this? Simple - the biggest media networks in Volta were still government operated. There was no chance that they would cover the protests. So the protesters simply came up with an alternative method of disseminating the news.
When news of this march reached Ernst Krenz, he was concerned. He wasn't angry at the protesters, but more because this was an unexpected occurrence. He was grateful that the protesters supported him, but he was having a hard time keeping the hardliners in the Party at bay as it was. This would only add to that difficulty. Yet Krenz knew that for the reforms in Volta to succeed, the protests must be allowed to continue.
It was for that reason that Wilhelm Mielke was starting to become a bigger and bigger thorn in Krenz's side. With the second day of protests, Mielke demanded to be allowed to send in the police and crush the protests. The only reason Mielke didn't get what he wanted was because Krenz threatened to sign a counter-order instructing police to stand down and allow the protests to continue should Mielke do that.
Mielke had stormed out, and Krenz could tell he was growing angrier and angrier by the minute. Krenz knew that he had to do something to get the protests under control, something to keep them from getting out of hand. He wasn't worried about the protesters doing anything, no Krenz was worried about the hardliners in the Party doing something catastrophic in a desperate attempt to stay in power.
So, Krenz took out his pen and began writing a memo. This memo would be delivered to the Vien City Police. Krenz would also have state-run media publish this memo, and state that this was in response to "small patriotic demonstrations". They wouldn't acknowledge the protests any more than that. And so, Krenz got writing.
Quote:Official Statement from the Chancellor of the Socialist Federal Republic of Volta
Many changes have been promised to the people of Volta, and many changes have been delivered. The situation in the country continues to improve, even if there are growing pains in certain areas of the country.
It is for that reason that the minor patriotic demonstrations in support of the Neues System are worthy of being acknowledged, and the concerns of the people addressed.
It is true that I, Chancellor Ernst Krenz, have promised a constitutional convention - one that has not happened yet. It has been in the works for years, but due to internal disagreements within the Communist Party regarding how to proceed it has been continually delayed. The promise has not yet been broken - however it must also be acknowledged that the promise has not been delivered either.
This is a legitimate criticism of the government, and one that must not be ignored. If it is the will of the people that the constitutional convention proceed, then it should proceed.
I urge demonstrators to exercise common sense and restraint in their demonstrations. So far the peaceful behavior of the demonstrators has been exemplary, and I urge demonstrators to continue to be peaceful and respectful.
I also urge the Communist Party and the Federal Assembly to heed the words of these protesters. Their concerns are legitimate, they should be addressed.
Singed,
Ernst Krenz, Chancellor
Once that statement was made, he sent it off to the relevant people. It would be published in a Vien-exclusive newspaper, and even then only in print, alongside the short article. A single copy would also be given to the leaders of the demonstrators. Finally, copies would be distributed to key members of the government, to ensure that everyone knew what was happening and no surprises would be had.
With that done, Krenz moved on to finishing his preparations. The next day he would be heading to Carpathia for a diplomatic visit, and he wanted to make sure that he was prepared.
When Wilhelm received the memo, he was furious. This was the last straw, in his view the Chancellor was destroying everything that Volta stood for. By allowing dissent, by loosening government control, by making the power of the hardliners weaker, Wilhelm believed the Chancellor was allowing reactionary forces to gain influence. Not to mention that his own position was in jeopardy.
Knowing that the Chancellor would leave for Carpathia the next day, Wilhelm quietly got into contact with his key allies, all party hardliners who objected to the reforms. He plotted with them, this would be where they make a difference. This would be when they saved Volta from the reactionary and traitorous agenda of Ernst Krenz, and save their own butts in the process.
When news of the memo reached the protesters, they were stunned. They saw it in an article written by Christel Schäfer in The Vien Times, a newspaper that only published in the city of Vien. The Chancellor had heard them, and though he didn't explicitly endorse the protests, he acknowledged their statements! This was truly a major turning point for them, indeed. Emboldened, they continued their demonstration and modified their plans a little.
Protesters went home at sunset, and they would return to protest. However, what was a peaceful march would morph into an occupation of Rudolf Thälmann Platz, a town square that was the center of many pro-communist gatherings before the Revolution. However, they had no intensions of being violent. They would simply go there and set up tents and signs, and use it as a center for their demonstrations. They hoped to keep everything peaceful and respectful, just as the Chancellor had asked.