The Golden Road

[Hadash]

Imperial Kingdom of Hôinôm


Just the beginning | Early 1589

Northeastern Hoinom was hit by heavy rainfall and a series of devastating floods along the Môi River, with notably destructive incidents. The ability of the rice crops to survive this was reduced by the growing monoculture of green rice. Rice crops were devastated and prices rocketed. Meanwhile, in the eastern provinces, landslides, due to the floods, damaged houses and structures in many villages, killing those who were trapped. The heavy rains resulted in large flashfloods and massives landslides. Entire villages and settlements had been obliterated, while the town of Vin Xuỳên suffered heavy damage and loss of lives. Over 100,000 people were stuck in various regions because of damaged or blocked roads. People in several southern provinces were stranded for more than a week. Môi-Xuân Road, an important artery connecting Central Hôinôm and the eastern regions was also washing away along Chiên Chàm Province. The roads were seriously damaged in many provinces, resulting in huge traffic jams, and the floods caused many cars and other vehicles to be washed away. Bodies of people washed away were found in distant places. Hôi Luýên, the capital city of the kingdom, was also heavily affected by the floods, although not that much as othe regions, resulting in huge economy loses. Despite of lack of official confirmation by the local authorities, it was estimated that between 5,000 and 12,000 people resulted dead as consequence of the floods, the deadliest since 1527. However, this soon proved to be just a minor problem.

By early Marth, as result with the destruction of crops and infrastructure, it became obvious that the government was facing an humanitarian crisis. However, the national government resisted to officially announce the famine, and meanwhile people suffered in the rural areas due to starvation. Bùc Trâng and Pha Làm provinces were specially affected, with local authorities secretly reporting 1,000-5,000 deaths in late Marth. Starvation was not the only factor, a significant number of deaths were attributable to cholera, malaria and diarrheic diseases. The poor, labourers and non-landowners in rural areas were specially susceptible. Aid was sent through helicopters, but the local hospital were not able to cope with severe situation.

Combined with the floods in the north, a severe drought in the eastern and southern provinces resulted in the famine spreading along the countryside. Wage labourers suffered the highest mortality of all groups. Crude death rate among landless families was three times higher than for families with three or more acres, contributing to the political turmoil. As unconfirmed reports started to rise the numbers of deaths nearby 20,000, protests erupted in Central and Eastern Hôinôm. Hôi Luỳên and another cities also witnessed protests and social mobilization against the government, the situation in the capital seemed calmer after Prime Minister Quang Công Quang announced economic compensations and the creation of a social fund for those affected by the floods.

However, the situation worsened in distant provinces when the government passed legislation restricting movement of foodgrains between districts along local government mismanagement of foodgrain stocks and distributional failures. Still, the famine did not occur among all areas and populations but was concentrated in specific areas: particularly the northeastern and southern provinces, while the wealthy western provinces were mostly unaffected.

---

Phan Thành Bào found himself in the middle of the crisis. The only son of Phan Vân Vang, one of the wealthiest businessmen of the country, he had gained political prominence after his sister Thu had married Lâm Thành Thuân, Empress Hông's cousin. Appointed governor in Duông Làt, a minor province in central Hôinôm, he invested heavily in the farm and transportation industries, and through political influences as well, he gained prominence in the region gaining in which could be described as market command over food distribution. As a result, Bào enriched considerably soon, without major rival competences. He resulted beneficiary in the rise in food prices in the last five years. However, by late 1586, it seemed that the food were stabilizing again, resulting in a nationwide increase of average consumption which helped the economy. But now, as result of the collapse of the state rationing system as consequence of the destruction of harvest and the flood, the surviving crops were increasingly affected by speculative hoarding by farmers and traders and a consequent rise in prices, which only worsened the situation.

As news about mobs assaulting warehouses in several southeastern provinces, Phan Thành Bào ordered that grain storages were moved to a safer location as much as possible, in order to avoid millonaire loses for his own businesses.

---

The first protests seemed contained by the local authorities. Notwithstanding, clashes between police forces and protestors resulted in 200 death only in Vin Xuỳên, eastern Hôinôm.

After a month of calm, mass protests started on Quartyr 18 in Tay Lanh. On Quartyr 22, the protests spread in nearby provinces. Only a few days later, a de facto rebellion began in Sông Lôm province. Thousands of people in Hoa Làk marched in prosest against the social situation. The protest quickly descended into violence. Police forces were routed and the city hall and adjoining Tresaury building were burned. One day later, on Quartyr 27, Governor Vuong Quang Vang was sent to Hoa Làk to resolve the situation (he was called to Hôi Luỳên for a special meeting of governors with the national government). On his arrival he was held hostage for several hours at the train station and assaulted by the protesters. Hoinomese military forces intervened to extract Vang. The next day, every government institution in the town was looted and destroyed, except the nearby military barrack, where Governor Vuong Quang Vang was moved, which was heavily protected by Hoinomese soldiers.

On Fein 11 and 12, violence erupted in other eatern towns, such as Vin Dêng. On Fein 14, a political council was formed in Tay Lanh by opposition parties and union leaders to lead the protests. Anger was also directed against the government for allowing that grain storages were moved while the province was suffering famine. As allegations grew that ministers and their relatives had personally profited from the schemes, many became convinced that deep changes were needed and they called Empress Hông to depose the government and call for early elections (last election was held in 1586).

On Fein 18, state police were attacked in Quang Cai, and a day later, in Duông Xanh, military troops attacked and brutally dispersed protesters, after thousands gathered in fron of the palace where Governor Vuong Quang Vang lived . As a result, the next day Prime Minister Quang Công Quang announced the mobilization of the Armed Forces in several provinces. Meanwhile, Nam Dinh stock market exchange collapsed and the Finance Minister expected the economy to fall into recession in the coming months.

An emergy meeting of the National Assembly was called, in which the opposition demanded to create a parliamentary committee to investigate both the violence and the causes of the famine. However, the majority of the parliament, controlled by Prime Quang Công Quang's supporters and conservative lawmakers, rejected the proposal. Prime Quang Công Quang declared the state of emergency in 12 of 31 Imperial Kingdom of Hôinôm's provinces. Thousands of people were arrested, some of them moved to unknown location. Despite this, violence continued in distant areas which were both heavily affected by the famine and difficult to get into as consequence of the destruction of infraestructures as a result of the floods early that year.

Several days later, thousands joined violent protests in Biam Hông province. In Khanh Tum, an unrecognized "Regional Committee" is formed calling the government to seek a political and economic solution. Similar committees are established in nearby provinces. In Yên Nông, northern Hôinôm, a police station was attacked by armed crowd, casualties include three dead and twenty injured. A small group left-leaning lawmaker declare that the only solution of the crisis is through protests against the government.

On early Zechyr, violence continued in the southeastern regions. Government headquarters in several provinces were burned by armed groups. The national government announced that up to seven governors were going to be sacked. This, however, failed to pacify the rioters. On Zechyr 14, a group of about 50 special forces troops were viciously attacked by a mob of thousands in Hoa Làk. The rebellion spread throughout southern Hôinôm. The state of emergency is announced in all the country the ext day.

On Zechyr 27, Hà Thi Lan, a child killed in Biam Hông during clashes between soldiers and protesters is buried. Her funeral is turned into an anti-government demonstration that burned the governor residence in Khanh Tum. Alarm spread over the lack of bread and rice in the city, despite the city was barely affected by the famine. Khanh Tum's "Regional Committee" calls for dialogue with Prime Minister Quang Công Quang, with no avail. Meanwhile, insurgency increases in the northern provinces. Multiple kidnappings and disappearances are denounced by local groups.

On Septem 4, a hunger strike began at Imperial University of Nam Dinh. Approximately 200 students join the strike and demand the resignation of the government. The banned Nationalist Party organizes a violent demonstration in Quang Cai in which six policemen were seriously injured. Meanwhile, despite armed forces start to distribute aid and food in affected provinces, angry crowds attack state institutions in many eastern provinces.

On Septem 25, thousands of students march in Hôi Luỳên against a rumored "attack" by state forces. The next day, 100 students in Hôi Luỳên campus start a hunger strike. Their demands are similar to those of students in Nam Dinh. Unions call for a five-day general strike on Ochtyr 10.

---

On Ochtyr 8, it was reported that Hoa Làk, with a population of 1,663,301 in 1586, has no functioning government. In Sông Lôm province, police were brutally beated. New of massacre of Royal Hoinomese Army officers shocks Prime Minister Quang Công Quang, which even conservative media pressures to resign. However, the government react by mobilizing more troops in the capital city and nearby provinces. On Ochtyr 10, a successful general strike paralyze Nam Dinh, not so much in Hôi Luỳên, where thousands of unionist and political activists were already in prison. On Ochtyr 14, rioters take control of a military base in Chiên Chàm. The next day, Prime Minister Quang Công Quang announces a reshuffle of the government. Nghiêm Vàn Bào, the founder of the far-right "Thánh Hiệp" milita in the 1550s, is announced as Minister of National Security.

On Ochtyr 22, the national government ordered indefinitve closure of schools and universities throughout the country and imposed even stricter restrictiongs on the press and consumer goods. In Nam Dinh, over 2000 government's partisans were reportedly armed by the police to defend the city in case of rebellion. Mordvanian news agency commented that evening: "the whole scenario is emerging as a political-military strategy and not merely as a law and order crisis".

On Nueva 11, despite rumours of resignation or dismissal, 144 of 222 MPs pass a parliamentary resolution giving full confidence to Prime Minister Quang Công Quang to solve the political crisis. This leads to massive riots in many provinces in central and eastern Hôinôm - western Hôinôm remains relatively peaceful. The city of Tay Lanh is taken by so-called revolutionary forces, after several weeks of riots. There, a local detention facility is broken into and hundreds of weapons are seized. The remaining soldiers in the city form committees. The military leadership tries to contain the rebellion to Tay Lanh, Hoa Làk and Kêt Nôi province to stop it from spreading to the rest of the country. Destruction and killings -along as reprisals by government forces- continue throughout the region

On Nueva 28, a "Committee of Public Salvation" is formed in Tay Lanh, headed by Lâ Vân Quân, a former member of the banned Nationalist Party, and which starts to act as a parallel government. In a nearby town, one member of the military police is burnt alive and others are taken hostage. A group of soldiers join the rebels. A similar committe of public salvation is formed in Quang Cai, this time headed by an union leader.

On Dein 4, Prime Minister Quang Công Quang holds a meeting with members of the parliament to sign a stement, condemning the massive plunder and destruction of military warehouses and calling for surrender of weapons. The statement is signed by even moderate and liberal lawmakers, including former Prime Minister Bûi Quang An. The Quang Cai answers the government that they are ready to enter in negotiations with the government, as soon as the state of emergency is suspended and all "political prisoners" are released from prison.

On Dein 20, with the fall of Minh Xân, most of southeastern provinces are out of government control. Weapons continued to spread across the country. Yên Nông National Airport is attacked by villagers from the surrounding area, and the University of Vin Xuỳên is looted. Ethnic Bhmer soldiers defect to insurgency in northern Hôinôm.

On Dein 28, Empress Hông appears on national television and address the nation with a statement where she calls for "reconciliation, solidarity, unity, and calmness". But the armed forces are forced to withdraw from the eastern Pha Làm province. Unopposed on the battlefield, rebels in southwestern region launch a wave of extraordinary destruction. Countryside summer houses are burned down entirely, along rural military barracks.

On Elva 4, the rebellion seemed to spread in Vin Xuỳên, but it is completely crushed after armed forces gun down hundred of rioters. Curfew is declared. During the rest of the month, hundreds are killed in Nam Dinh, Hôi Luŷên, Bâc Duong, and Yên Nông in crashes between state forces and protesters.

---

"It's been a long time", Jiang Yong Du said.

"Chiang...?", Lâ Vân Quân asked.

"Jiang Yong Du", the man answered. "Mr. Jiang if you prefer".

"Yes, it has been a long time", Lâ Vân Quân said. "How is everything going?".

"Everything is great", Jiang replied. "To be honest, everything looks here even more chaotic that I had expected. Even I wasn't sure if we wouldn't be able to make safely our way here".

"I understand", Lâ Vân Quân replied. "We are trying to make the basic works...It's not been easy because we lack resources, and it is almost as starting for scratch".

"I see", Jiang said. "That should be change soon".

"Yes, it should, of course", Lâ Vân Quân replied. "We're grateful for your...contribution to the cause".

"Sure", Jiang said. "When will everyhing be ready?".

"It's difficult to say...", Lâ Vân Quân answered. "Next month we will meet in Màu Vàng and then we could advance our agenda".

"You may not have that much time", Tai Zedong Wong, who had remained silent until now, said.

"I know", Lâ Vân Quân replied. "But it's not easy to organize in the current situation. We don't control the southern border, so it is very difficult to pass men and information. And after so many decades without being able to move freely in our own country, it's better to be careful. Not everyone will be ready to accept that scenario. I need time to prepare my our cards".

"Do whatever you need to do", Jiang said. "But remember you should work it out if you don't want to miss this unique chance. If you need anything more for now, we will be in our hotel".

[Hadash]

The northern region -specially the provinces of Thung Sinh and Thung Giáu- had experienced an active insurgency against the Hoinomese state in the last decade, in most cases by nationalist and revolutionary groups of the Bhmer ethnic group. The region was barely affected by the famine and economic crisis, though, so the region remained calm compared to the capital city or the eastern and southern provinces.

The first demonstration in the region were small and relatively peaceful. “People’s Commitees” were formed in several provinces, but their demands were relatively moderate as well, calling for dialogue and a new state economic policy.

On Elva 14, however, an attempt by Hoinomese security forces to disperse a demonstration in Lùng Sinh, police fired indiscriminate warning shots above their heads, some of which went into the crowd. Although these shots seemed to pacify the demonstrators, twelve civilians were killed, including three women and a 10-year-old boy.

Several days later, demonstrators gathered in front of a jail in Thung Giàu, demanding the release of protesters that the police had arrested in the previous weeks. When some demonstrators started throwing rocks and subsequently rushed the jail, the police inside shot at them in a panic, killing twenty people. In response, unions called the government to take action against the police officers who fired on the crowd. Instead, 1,000 special forces were flown into the province, along with members of a far-right paramilitary groups created since Nghiêm Vàn Bào was appointed Minister of National Security. Although both the police and paramilitary groups employed violent and harsh tactics in their suppression of the locals, those armed gangs were specially ruthless. The disappearance of about 78 citizens, most of them belonging to the Bhmer minority, was attributed to those far-right groups. While this borderline terroristic actions failed to stop the protests, it increased tensions between ethnic Hôi and ethnic Bhmers. The Bhmer minority, while only 8% of Hôinôm population nationwide, was a large minority, or even a majority, in several northern provinces along the Tieguonese border.

Despite repression, or maybe as a consequence of the repression, violent crashes continued. Anti-government militants attacked government installations and engaged with police forces in open conflict. These engagements between Bhmer guerrillas against pro-government groups and police continued through Tolven.

On Tolven 18, a demonstration was called by Bhmer moderate groups demanding more autonomy for the northern provinces, and the recognition of Bhmer language as an official language in the Imperial Kingdom of Hôinôm. The demonstration was attended even by two ethnic Bhmer MP, and it was rather peaceful. The next days, however, crashes between police forces and protesters continued. On Tolven 22, a large number of armed anti-government Bhmer militants attacked government buildings as well as many police stations in the province, killing 20 police officers.

Prime Minister Quang Công Quang immeditaley ordered the deployment of military forces in the province. Bhmer nationalist forces retreated to their bases in the nearby forests and caves. On Tolven 27, a Hoinomese officer, an ethnic Bhmer, surprisingly abandoned his post, defected, and allegedly joined the Bhmer guerrillas. This caused many police and military officers, disillusioned by the atrocities they were ordered to commit against their own, to do the same. In response, Minister Bào ordered a purge of ethnic Bhmer from the ranks of the police. Several officers were reportedly executed after a military trial, accussed of sympathies toward the Bhmer terrorist groups.

Fighting spread to the province...and continued for the next weeks. The Bhmer guerrillas cut telephone lines, destroyed bridges, and blocked roads with piles of stones to disrupt communications. On Treizen 12, Prime Minister Quang Công Quang proclaimed martial law in order to quell the rebellion in the north. Local human rights activists denounced that armed forces and pro-government groups engaged in numerous war crimes, included alleged kidnappings, rape, and murder of teenage girls, and summary executions of Bhmer nationalist sympathizers.

On Treizen 24, the guerrillas launched one offensive against government forces. They caused many casualties but were beated back by the military forces and driven to the forests again. Pro-government militias pursued the guerrillas and continued to commit atrocities, including rounding up whole villages and killing civilians. Before the end of the month, 747 guerrilla militants and 947 were allegedly killed.

On Vintyr 10, rebel forces were able to regroup and attacked the province of Vân Duông. Government forces were surprised and they were ambushed by the Bhmer guerrilla. More than 300 soldiers and policemen died, and several Hoinomese officers were executed. The action was claimed by the Bhmer Democratic Front, a recently created rebel force. They were reportedly heavily armed, and they were able to resist a counter-attack by government forces.

Before government forces could send further help, other Bhmer groups launched an offensive in nearby provinces, resulting in deaths of at least 100 civilians and displacing many residents of the area. On Vintyr 21, the Bhmer Democratic Front launched a heavy artillery attack on Vân Duông. And then moved in, gaining control of the town.

---

Hôi Luỳen, Imperial Kingdom of Hôinôm

“It is always a pleasure to be your guest, Your Imperial Majesty”, Huỳn Công Viên said, who couldn’t help that empress, despite wearing a baggy dress, her waistline seemed to have relatively expanded since the last time Viên saw her. “How is everything going in the palace?”.

“Everything is quite calm here”, Empress Hông answered. “Maybe too calm”.

“Understandable”,   Huỳn Công Viên replied. “But it’s probably better this way”.

“It’s a disaster”, Empress Hông said. “I...we shouldn’t have allowed things to go this far. And Prime  Minister Quang still pretends everything is under control”.

“Unfortunately, the Prime Minister is not always to sounds convincing, I agree”,  Huỳn Công Viên replied, “but his position is the right one. There is not doubt about it, Your Imperial Majesty. There is no alternative”.

“There is always an alternative!”, the Empress said. “Your may disagree with me, but we achieve it the last time. There is always room to negotiate an alternative. We have been too slow, too inactive in the last years”.

“When crowds get too excited, they won’t listen to even the most reasonable and rational offer, if such offer could be made”,  Huỳn Công Viên replied. “Only a clean cut will be able to save us, Your Imperial Majesty. It’s not a secret that my opinion is that such a move should have be done then, when the situation was not that serious and we retained the initiative. Now it may be too late for such a move. But let’s hope that is not the case”.

“I thought about it”, Empress Hông said. “We need to take the initiative. A new government and elections could help. Some promises could, at least, to calm the situation for a while”.

“I’m afraid it’s too late”,  Huỳn Công Viên said. “The multitude is too emotional, and unfortunately they have probably been spoiled lately. A change of government, calling for new elections, or even mild promises, will only weak the government and the state, Your Imperial Majesty. Weakness would be deadly in such circumstances. It is not clear who could replace [Prime Minister] Quang in the current circumstances. It wouldn’t be much a difference or it would be rather a head of government with clear support from the legislative body, and therefore only weakening the state. If we moved toward such a path, it would be better to directly suspend the parliament...but it is unclear what kind of message would send that. History shows us that only the sword works in terrible circumstances like this”.

“The solution may be terrible that the problem then”, Hông replied.

“I recommend you to visit Nam Dinh and stay there with your family for a while, Your Imperial Majesty”,  Huỳn Công Viên said. “Things will be calmer there”.

---

Meanwhile, not far from there, in another government building in the historical district of Hôi Luỳên, two faces suddenly found each other after a long time.

“It’s been a long time since the last time we met, general”, said Nghiêm Vàn Bào, the controversial new Minister of National Security. “I’m not even sure if you were a general back then”.

“It could be so”, Bûi Thành Quyên replied.

"The Prime Minister told me that you will be sent to the north in order to crush the terrorist forces", Nghiêm Vàn Bào said. "I wish you good luck in such task. There should be no mercy for them. I hope this will soon end".

"Thank you, minister", Bûi Thành Quyên replied. "I hope that will be the case, indeed".

[Hadash]

Imperial Kingdom of Hôinôm | Vintyr, 1589

Representatives from rebel local political group were expected to meet nearby Hoa Lák, in the southeastern Sông Lôm province, in which a hundred of local leaders, anti-government activists, union members, and members of the recently formed anti-government militias were expected to gather and discuss a joint statement and strategy. A large number of them were members of the Hoinomese Nationalist Party.

The Hoinomese Nationalist Pary had been long preparing, not just for the meeting, for a political situation like this. The party had been banned for most of its existence, since the monarchist restoration, and their members persecuted by Hoinomese security forces, in some cases viciously, as it was during both monarchist restoration in the 1520s and the 1540s political crisis. The party, often considered nothing but a relic from the past, had achieved to survive.

However, the Nationalist Party had to face internal obstacles now that their chance had came. Trang Công Trai, the Hoinomese Nationalist Party for almost thirty years, had spent eighteen years in a Hoinomese prison and the rest of time in exile. Several other prominent members of the nationalist leadership had experienced a similar fate. When some of them were able to enter illegally the country in the last months, they could realize that the country had changed faster than they thought. Through the years, Trang Công Trai had assured his leadership with a combination of personal relations and loose ideology. As consequence, the party was divided in several factions, highly ideological but weak, and more importantly, between the exiled leadership and the underground activists inside Hôinôm. Some of those activist, such as Quân Công Trai and Liêu Hùu Dùng in Quang Cai, or Lâ Vân Quân in Tay Lahn, proved to be either effective organizers or charismatic leaders, although they lacked real power inside the party. However, they were able to take important decisions while some of the leaders of the party, such as Trang Công Trai, who was 71, had not entered Hôinôm yet.

Their ideological differences were important, but more practical ones became more obvious - specially the issue of Tieguo involvement fomenting unrest in Hôinôm, which could be both a blessing and a problem from the nationalist cause. Although the Hoinomese Nationalist Party had been created originally inspired by the Nationalist Party of Tieguo, relations between Tieguonese and Hoinomese nationalists had been often tense through history. Some Hoinomese militants, such as Lâ Vân Quàn seemed moderately welcoming of help from the Tieguonese government, while others believed that it was better to be careful of Tieguonese involvement, specially regarding the issue of Bhmer insurgency in the north. Despite this, most nationalist factions decided to do common cause regarding the coming conference in Sông Lôm, in order to gain influence in the increasing political crisis.

---

Finally, Prime Minister Quang Công Quang announced his resignation before the end of the month. Quang had lost the confidence of the Empress months ago, but more importantly, by the military leadership, which considered Quang's political clique too incompetent to carry out the decisive move that, in their view, the situation required. Quang Công Quang, Prime Minister since 1582 -and member of the national cabinet since 1579- was seen as good leader to rule in behalf of them but lacking the qualities to lead the state now.

Empress Hông favoured Thoung Thành Minh, former governor of Nam Dinh, of all candidates proposed by members of the National Assembly, but she desisted after meeting several prominent members of the parliament. The conservative and traditionalist majority in the National Assembly distrusted Thuong not because his political experience, but rather because he had served in Bûi Quang An's cabinet. The military leadership tried to play their own cards, pressuring for a member of the military faction in the National Assembly, but they seemed satisfied enough when Diêp Dùp Dùng, Minister of Foreign Affairs since 1582, and nephew of late Diêp Công Duông was proposed as Prime Minister.

Diêp Dùp Dùng become Prime Minister on Vintyr 25. Diêp, the longest-serving official in Hôi Luỳên, had the complicated task of saving the monarchy, about thirty forty years later than his uncle did. It was not going to be an easy task, but he had the enough experience as minister and former diplomat in Brigidna to give Hoinomese government enough credit, at home and abroad, to finish the present political crisis.

[Hadash]

Hôi Luỳên, Imperial Kingdom of Hôinôm | Alvan, 1590

"I can confirm", Diêp Dùp Dùng told Empress Hông in their third meeting since Diêp was appointed Prime Minister, "our security forces and military intelligence have found a worrying increase of undergroud activity in Luỳên province and Hôi Luỳên. That is the reason why we believe if would be safer for you, Your Imperial Majesty, to go and stay in Nam Dinh, where you would be safer, at least until the situation improves".

"That's not going to happen", Empress Hông said. "It would not be responsible right now".

"I insist, Your Imperial Majesty", Prime Minister Diêp continued, "to consider my advice. It would be safer for the imperial royal family".

"I'm confident it will not change your duties as I hope the current crisis will be over soon", Diêp continued. "We will be contact as usual".

"I'll think about it", Empress Hông replied. "I can't give you an answer right now, as you may understand Prime Minister".

"Indeed, Your Imperial Majesty", Diêp said. "I must attend a general meeting with our governors in two hours, my office will send you a report afterwards".

"You can leave", Empress Hông said before leaving the room herself.

[Hadash]

Hôi Luỳên, Imperial Kingom of Hôinôm | Zechyr 12, 1590

"Your Highness", Nhung said, "General Kiêu Công Trai has arrived".

"Perfect", Lâm Thành Thuân said. "Tell him to come immediately".

"Yes, Your Highness", Nhung said.

"You told me you didn't know him", Làm Thành Thuân said to his friend Phan Thành Bào".

"No, Your Highness", Phan said. "I am afraid that's not the case".

"His father and my father were good friends", Làm Thành Thuân replied. "They met in the military academy, I think...General Kiêu has told me that he met your father several times".

"That could be possible", Phan said. "I have no idea but I wouldn't be surprised".

"Certainly", Làm Thành Thuân replied. "Excellent", Làm added, "the general has arrived. Welcome".

"Good evening, Prince Làm", General Kiêu said. "It's always a pleasure, Your Highness".

"I believe you don't know Phan....Phan Thành Bào", Prince Làm said. "He was always a good friend of our family".

"It's a pleasure", General Kiêu said, after looking Phan with a not exactly friendly glance.

"As it is for me, general", Phan replied.

"How are things going?", Prince Làm said.

"Unfortunately, not very well", General Kiêu said. "The situation is not desperate but it's not going as well as expected".

"At least the mood in Hôi Luỳên is not very good...", Prince Làm said. "I can't imagine what kind of hell it's being there...either in the north or the provinces".

"Don't you believe that situation is changing with Prime Minister Diêp, general...?", Phan suddenly asked.

"If you allow me to be totally honest, Your Highness...", General Kiêu replied. "We, in the army in general, had confidence in a man with experience like the Prime Minister. Certainly a better option that others that were mentioned. But it's not just an issue of personalities. Situations like this need a shift of strategy. Not just a new leadership, but a radical move which helps us to control the situation and the mood again".

"That sounds reasonable", Prince Làm said. "Can't you believe that...a certain Phao, I believe, likely a nobody, one guy who believes he's someone important because he found himself in the parliament...What was I saying? Ah yes, that guy has suggested to investigate our friend Phan and his family as this was going to calm down the mob! What an idiot! After all they did for our country!".

"Yes, Your Highness", General Kiêu replied. "I mean, I didn't hear about it but I'm not surprised".

"I guess I wouldn't be surprise if that happened", Prince Làm said. "But honour...honour can't be lost".

"Yes, Your Highness", General Kiêu replied begrudgingly, "you are totally right".

"Sometime I even doubt my cousin will be able to stop the country going to the wrong direction...", Prince Làm said. "Excuse me, general, but everything that's happening worries me severely".

"It's understable, Your Highness", General Kiêu said. "Let's hope all this ends soon".

[Hadash]

Hôi Luỳên, Imperial Kingdom of Hôinôm | Fein 14, 1590


"Welcome Dô", General Kiêu Công Trai. "I am glad you are safe".

"Thanks, general", Dô Vân Quyên said.

"You already know General Lê, I believe", General Kiêu told Dô Vân Quyên.

"Yes, I do", Dô Vân Quyên answered. "Although unfortunately I only know him superficially, I must say. It is always a pleasure, general".

"Your friend is too modest", General Lê Công Thuân said while finishing his cigar. "I must say that we in the imperial army appreciate the work you have done in the last years in the parliament...And that's not something we could say too often", General Lê added with a smile. "I heard you had problems in your way back to Luỳên, though".

"Thanks, general", Dô Vân Quyên replied. "Yes, something hit the sky...fortunately only a big shock".

"We are glad you could return safe", General Kiêu said, as if he pretended to move to more urgent topics. "Which were your impressions about Nam Dinh?".

"If I can speak freely", Dô Vân Quyên replied, "it seems to me that the Empress is not willing to free completely the army hands, even if bad news keep coming".

"Many share that opinion in the army as well, don't worry", General Lê said coldly. "Continue".

"It is the opinion that many lawmakers", Dô Vân Quyên continued, "those who are trustworthy enough and wary the situation we are approaching, I mean, that Prime Minister Diêp Dùp Dùng is certainly aware of that, but unable to dare a radical change of the situation".

"Certainly, Dô", General Kiêu intervened, "we had great hopes in Prime Minister Diêp. He's certainly experienced and a true patriot. However, the contraints seem too big so far".

"If things don't change soon", General Lê said, "the nation may be lost before it's too late...Are many in Quam Hôi willing to stay toward the right direction, if I may ask?".

"My answer would be yes", Dô Vân Quyên answered. "However, it would be too risky for a too radical shift, maybe time is not ripe for that yet".

"There is not time for that, Dô", General Lê said. "The abysm is almost looking as us".

"But what could we do, general?", Dô Vân Quyên asked.

"If the empress were still in Hôi Luỳên", General Lê replied, carefully weighing his own words, "it would much easier. A simple move would pressure her to take the direction and change our policy without need of any risky measure. However, the current situation would force us to a more much more widely and risky move".

"The stakes are certainly high...", Dô Vân Quyên replied, "but in the optismitc scenario would put in a complicated situation. I can't think that a constitutional change would help in the present circumstances...".

"Nobody is talking about a political change", General Kiêu replied. "We aim to strengthen the monarchy, but unconventional measures may be needed".

"The army needs to take control now", General Lê added. "It is the only thing that can save the state in the current circumstances, when terrorists can openly take one of our largest cities. They must be stopped at any price".

"I agree the situation is terribly serious", Dô Vân Quyên replied. "But our options are limited".

"I hate to say that", General Lê said, "but a completely change of leadership in all areas may be needed. Not immediately, of course, but as soon the army is able to advance unstopped again. At any price, I must say, removing all reforms and useless institutions that an obstacles to save the country".

"I may add that Prince Lâm is a long acquaintance of my family", General Kiêu casually added, "and that has always shared a great respect for the imperial army, even if he did not serve personally".

"I know the Prince personally too", Dô Vân Quyên replied. "He certainly shares much of the views of the parliamentary factions that understand the nature of the current situation. However, I am unsure how it could be understood outside Luỳên and what role he could play...".

"It's not a decision we should decide now", General Kiêu said. "It's not certainly a decision that be must take ourselves. But if we don't act, it would be too late before we are able to regret it".

"I agree on that point", Dô Vân Quyên said.

"Are you hungry, our friend?", General Kiêu suddenly asked. "I am sorry, I forgot about it. I can ask my servant to prepare you anything right now".

[Hadash]

Nam Dinh, Imperial Kingdom of Hôinôm | Dein 9, 1590

Empress Hông was unexpectedly was woken up by an unexpected call from Nam Dinh a few hours after midnight.

"Your Imperial Majesty", Châu, Hông's personal assistant told the empress while another female servant has helping her to dress, "we have lost communication with Hôi Luỳên".

"You can leave", Empress Hông told Châu, "I will be waiting in the main hall in five minutes".

"This is a disastre, a nigthmare", said Takahito, Hông's husband. "We should leave with the children, before it's too late for that".

"Don't be stupid", the empress replied. "I am not leaving anywhere".

---

A few minutes after General Lê Công Thuân addressed the nation in Hôi Luỳên, Empress Hông was still in his residential palace in Nam Dinh. From her window she could see the smoke and burning buildings, and from time to time, some distant but isolated shootings.

Hông was informed that a few armed soldiers had attempted to move toward the road that leads to the palace, but they were successfuly repelled by the Imperial Guard.

Despite the country had no longer a government, or at least a legitimate government, Admiral Bûi Thành Quyên decisively changed the situation in Nam Dinh when he ordered the navy to approach and defend Nam Dinh. Hoinomese marines disembarked in Nam Dinh main port, joining soon the remaining forces loyal to the local government. The forces led by Lieutenant-Colonel Phan Dûc Vinh were forced to withdraw from several district. Nevertheless, the fight continued, leaving dozens of casualties in both sides.

---

Hôi Luỳên, Imperial Kingdom of Hôinôm | Dein 15, 1590

"I bring bad news, general", Lieutenant-General Dào Công Dùng. "It has been confirmed that Lieutenant-Colonel Phan [Dùc Vinh] has surrendered in Nam Dinh. Following the empress' message, forces in Giàp Hai, Bùc Duông, and Mau Tinh have followed. What should we do that?".

"Wait new orders, that's it", General Lê Công Thuân coldly replied.

"Yes, sir", Lieutenant-General Dào said.

"The worst thing is that we have lost all coastline, severely complicating our supplies", General Kiêu Công Trai said. "We have still military superiority, and a coastline without a navy would be useless in the short-time anyway".

"We can advance toward the coast soon, and force Nam Dinh to accept defeat", General Lê told Kiêu. "The political complications are more serious. But we have more serious things to deal immediately. We can not lose Yêng Nông. We must advance toward the north at any cost".

"Indeed", General Kiêu replied. "I have already told with Bûi and promise him more men. I will immediately confirm such order".

[Hadash]

Dâng Hâi Cân province, Imperial Kingdom of Hôinôm | Vintyr, 1590


"You can enter", Bính said. "Your Excellency Huỳn is waiting".

"Thank you", Vô Quang Vang replied.

"Would you want anything to drink or eat?", Bính asked.

"No, thank you", Vô answered.

"Alright", Bính replied, indifferently. "It's down there, the main room on the left".

"Not the kind of the visit I would have expected", Huỳn Công Viên said as soon Vô Quang Vang entered.

"Well, I needed to cross through this province, and I suddenly reminded our last conversation", Vô Quang Vang said. "How are you feeling lately", he asked.

"Those lungs are killing me, and not only literally", Huỳn replied, although his voice sounded more bored than worried. "How were you able to leave Hôi Luỳên? I am surprise they did not send you to prison".

"I am as surprised as you are", Vô Quang Vang replied. "But men like me are not longer a threat for anyone in current circumstances. Maybe not even for you".

"You are right", Huỳn said. "I still believe that people like you should have been stopped when there was still time".

"I am convinced you do", Vô said, unsure if Huỳn Công Vièn was kidding or not.

"In any case", Huỳn continued, "I will not last for long, and it wouldn't be good manners to threat a guest in my own house. As one of our ancestors once sang...About a conquered nation’s poor fate the singing girls know nothing".

"We haven't been conquered yet", Vô replied.

"Our nation has already known in the past several meaningless states of independence", Huỳn added.

"So do you believe that Lê desperate and suicidal move...will be for nothing?", Vô asked.

"It is not I disagree with General Lê's medicine", Huỳn seriously replied, "it's that I believe it should have be tried earlier and differently".

"You still voted for his proposal", Vô said, unimpressed by Huỳn's arguments, "that morning in the parliament...that last morning in the parliament".

"Well", Huỳn replied, "if you had been there, you had witnessed that the parliament did not vote under a happy mood".

"My own and General Lê's ideas are not too different", Huỳn added, "you may realize. The general has...not that sophisticated way to express them, let's say. But the moment his military movement failed, that moment the monarchy died".

"Do you believe he will try to build a personal dictatorship then?", Vô curiously asked.

"Oh no", Huỳn answered, "I don't mean that. Personally I don't care too much. It won't change much the situation in the current circumstances...".

"Our nation won't survive without the monarchy, I still believe that", Huỳn continued after being interrupted by his own coughing fit. "But that moment, the monarchy died. It may survive, you may say, institutionally, from the point of view of the mere and meaningless facts, but the monarchist principle died in those days".

"What do you mean?", Vô asked.

"If the imperial armed forces can decide", Huỳn replied, "not just under the shadows, but in television speeches that the monarch must leave or not...what's the point of a monarchy anymore. It was turned into a meaningless kind of government".

"I guess I'm able to understand your point", Vô said.

"Ironically", Huỳn continued, "history will be written under the voices of people like you, maybe not you personally, but your party, the spiritual party that you and your friends represented, and it will blame the empress of being too deaf to the complains of the people, of the suffering of the masses, and all that emotional and cheap talk, when the truth is found in the contrary. She rather followed the mood of our time, which is to be undecisive, not regarding the complains of the masses, but being undecisive precisely because of them. If she had been a more ruthless and bloodthirsty leader, we wouldn't be in the situation we are today. And I am not just talking about the current national crisis, but even a decade ago, when that would have been even more deeply misunderstood".

"Excuse me", I feel I'd rather need some rest now", Huỳn added.

"I understand", Vô replied. "I must continue my travel anyway. I hope you are wrong, and our nation knows better days soon".

"That's alright", Huỳn said. "That such nice wish travels with you at least until the end of your journey back home".

"If you have some time", Huỳn continued, "ask Bính to prepare some soup. It won't make you harm".

[Hadash]

Doungzhou, United Republic of Tieguo | Quartyr 26, 1591

President Qiu Yu Zhao had expressed more resistence than expected for his last approach in the "Hoinomese question". The wide and contradictory coalition of alliances that had allowed him to become the leader of the United Republic of Tieguo in 1587, was highly dividing on this issue. While President Qiu was highly praised in every Tieguonese newspaper as "a leader called to shape both Tieguo and Ostara", many moderate and technocrats of the Tieguonese elite saw a more active intervention in Hôinôm as a threat to Tieguonese trade and economic growth.

Qiu had established in Doungzhou only in 1578, at the age of 44 years old. A native of the usually underepresented northwestern provinces, Qiu was only able to advance in the Tieguonese Nationalist Party step by step. Guo Min Cheng nominated and appointed him as First Secretary of the Tieguonese Nationalist Party in 1582, a position that made him de facto General Secretary of the Nationalist Party, as President Guo was no longer interested much in party affairs. He had, however, no influence on Tieguonese government policy, as that was left of the hands of either Premier Jie Jong-Jian, President Guo's right-hand, or the National Political Commitee of the Nationalist Party. Qiu, however, spent the next five years to expand and consolidate his influence in the party, gaining the favour of diverse and contradictory factions.

It had arrived the moment to choose, however, and President Qiu was not ready to risk everything on the first move. His leadership was considered strong but it was not still consolidate enough. A fatal defeat could threaten to cause a sudden downfall.

[Hadash]

Nam Dinh, Imperial Kingdom of Hôinôm | Zechyr, 1591

As Tieguonese aircraft had started to bomb territory controlled by General Lê Công Thuân, the situation became increasingly tense. Prime Minister Vuong Hùu Ngôc had been able to strengthen the Hoinomese institutions, highly weakened after General Lê's coup d'etat, and rebuild the military forces, but they failed to obtain decisive military victories against either the southern rebels or Hôi Luỳên forces. Now, the intervention of Tieguonese Air Force, although it had not attacked Nam Dinh positions so far, threatened to become a serious setback.

"Can you see that everything is lost?", asked Takahito, who shared the mood that seemed to dominate Nam Dinh those days.

"Look, my empress", Takahito continued, "my cousin Nobuo has offered me to join the board of directors in Kazemura in his technological company. Meanwhile, we can move with the children to Tiejungo. It is the best option given the circumstances".

"Don't be stupid!", Empress Hông replied. "We are not moving anywhere".

"Are we supposed to way until Tieguo armies advance and occupy all the country?", Takahito insisted. "There is no way we even return to Hôi Luỳên...".

"No Hoinomese emperor has fled the country in the last two thousand years", she replied. "No, we are not leaving anywhere".

"If you insist", Takahito said, "let me to take the kids with me to Tiejungo, it is better to stay here locked in permanently".

"You may leave", Hông coldly replied. "What you propose it is not reasonable".

"It has been already almost two years", Takahito said. "There is a time when we must recognize reality".

"There is no point to continue with this conversation right now", Hông interrupted him. "Leave me alone now".